Mana Oromoo Swiss

Statement to Condemn the Irresponsible Misrepresentation of the OLF

2011-06-02T05:00:00.000-07:00

Source: Oromoliberationfront.info

Date: 30 May 2011 No. 055/OLF/11

Statement to Condemn the Irresponsible Misrepresentation of the OLF

Over recent weeks, the two wings of the Asmara Group have released “OLF Manifesto – A Secret Manual of OLF Leadership” and series of other documents in the name of the OLF. In these documents they reiterate that they no more believe in the liberation of the Oromo people from the century old brutal and dehumanizing Ethiopian colonialism.

In “OLF Manifesto – A Secret Manual of OLF Leadership” they declare the political objective of struggling for power sharing within the Ethiopian political system, which directly contradicts the values and mission of the OLF and the aspiration of the Oromo people. The objective of the OLF is the restoration of freedom which the Oromo people are denied in Ethiopia and not power sharing with its ruling elite. The officials of the Asmara Group shamelessly speak Amharic and waive at us the Ethiopian flag and grovel to their Abyssinian supporters, all in the name of the OLF.
Their Manifesto is not new to us. This ideological shift from the fundamental object of the OLF by the Asmara Group was the cause that parted us company with them a decade ago. Now, they have come out with it, having kept it under the closet hidden from the Oromo public for a very long time.

Our message to those true Oromo nationalists still working with these two wings is that as Oromos you have no excuse to continue to inadvertently contribute to the crime that is being committed against your people. We extend our patriotic call to you to do the honorable thing and take a stand against the deceivers and come over and join us. As most of you might know we have challenged the leaders of both wings of the Asmara Group to return to the original objective of the OLF, so that we can reenergize our organization around its original objective of liberation of Oromia, but they have chosen to cross over the line and join anti-Oromo political groups instead.

Some of the so called leaders of the two wings of the Asmara Group have no noticeable track record in the long history of the Oromo struggle. In fact, some of these people have been working for the tyrannical and dictatorial Ethiopian regimes, the Derg as well as the Wayyane regime, and are suspected to have committed crime against the Oromo people. Their crimes have not been fully investigated and resolved. Their misrepresentation of the OLF and the Oromo struggle for freedom is causing immense damage to the Oromo people’s just cause. These characters instead of showing remorse and regrets for the crimes they had committed against the Oromo people when they were at the service of the Ethiopian regimes they are trying once again to destroy its organisation, the OLF and its objective.

Having repeatedly demonstrated their clear departure from the path of the liberation struggle, the so called leaders of the two wings of the Asmara Group and their associates have no moral or legitimate authority to represent the OLF in any capacity. In fact, we advise them to form a separate political party that suits their desire.

We urge the Oromo people to stand vigilant and safeguard the struggle at this critical juncture in our history. The Oromo people must not fall for the deception of some dishonest groups labeling themselves OLF. It is advisable to make sure the authenticity of documents and groups before being misled into a trap that is being laid down by confidence men attempting to discredit the OLF.

Our mission remains to continue with the struggle to bring about the realization of Oromo national self-determination and formation of independent republic of Oromia.

Oromia shall be free!

OLF National Executive Committee

Oromiya voices against conquest, collaboration, neutrality, and silence. Part 2

2011-03-01T01:52:00.000-08:00

By Leenjiso Horo
---------continuation of the previous posting------- (http://oromooswiss.blogspot.com/2011/02/oromiya-voices-against-conquest.html)


2.1   A brief note on collaboration with enemy

If one wants to understand what is meant by a collaboration with enemy, here is a lesson worth learning.  The lesson brings to light the evidences of nationals who undertook an active and willful collaboration with the enemy of their people. The lesson shows experiences of those societies; the societies whose a segment of their nationals collaborated with the enemy.  Here to understand this, one needs to have in mind that collaborating with the enemy is  a political crime against one's people; and so  it is a betrayal.  It is important to carefully observe as to what had happened to those societies because of some of their nationals collaboration with their enemy.

History bears witness that making alliance with the enemy of one's own people and fighting on the behalf of that enemy against one's own people is not uncommon.  Such an alliance is known throughout history as collaboration with the enemy.  The word collaboration generally understood to mean cooperation with enemy forces against one's country and people.  It means complicity with occupying power in arresting, torturing,  murdering, and persecuting of one's fellow countrymen and women.  And it also means complicity with occupying forces in pillaging, looting , economic exploitation, and a participation in, and support for a puppet government.  All in all, it means a betrayal of one's people.

This is the irony of history. If we glance back at history, we observe collaborators within a nation fighting their own people on the behest of their people's enemy.  Hence collaborators are defined as those who collaborate with or work for the enemy against their own people.  For instance, during the Second World War Nazi regime of Germany had the policy of liquidation of Jews population.  On the basis of these policy men, women, and children of the Jewish and of Jewish blood were ganged into gas chamber.  And with cruelty they were gassed to death.  Six million Jewish and Germany of Jewish blood were perished.  While such heinous crime was committed on the population, a small segment of Diaspora Jews were doing business with Nazi Germany.  Not only this, at the same time according to historian Bryan Mark Rigg, there were Jewish soldiers in the Nazi Army which included decorated veterans , high-ranking officers, Field Marshals, Admirals, Generals, Lt Generals and major Generals.  "Germans of Jewish blood knowing the Nazi regime for what it was", Rigg noted in hi book, Hitler's Jewish Soldiers; 2002, “served Hitler as uniformed members of his armed forces." The Jewish historian Rabbi Joseph Telushkin summed up in the book Jewish Literacy, 2008; that "Throughout Europe the Nazis appointed groups of Jewish leaders known as Jewish Councils in the countries they conquered to serve as liaisons to the Jewish communities.... Unfortunately, instead of helping the Jews they [Jewish councils] often ended up facilitating the Nazis' work."  The Nazis work being the systematic murder of Jewish people.   Here what this means is that Nazi used the Jewish nationals against their own people.  The Councils had informers and police.  The informers "helped the Gestapo locate Jews in hiding."  And that the "hunting down", "rounding up", and “shipping to the death of the Jewish" were "carried out by the Jewish police."  [1]

Sadly enough, The Nazi did not even spare the families of those Jewish soldiers in the German army.  Captain Erich Rose, a Jewish soldier in the Nazi army whose family was murdered regretted for working for Nazi.  He was reported by Rigg to have "expressed his desire to die.  'I'm torn apart.  I've nothing to live for.  My family has all been murdered.... I'm a schwein [pig]....  The Nazi murdered my family, and at the same time, I fight for them.'"

Primo Levi, a Nazi survivor, in his book The Drowned and the Saved; trans. Raymond Rosenthal in 1988, wrote:

The Judenrate or Jewish Councils were Nazi-established executive Committees throughout occupied Europe at once fully responsible for the implementation of Nazi directives and in charge of the administration, labor, finances, cultural and health services, food supply, and policy of Jewish community.  These councils were set up to force the Jews to do the work of the Nazi and to keep the Jews at odds with one another....

Hannah Arendt also wrote about the complicity of Jewish councils in her book Eichmann in Jerusalem, 1994;“Wherever Jews lived, there were recognized Jewish leaders, and this leadership, almost without exception, cooperated in one way or another for one reason or another, with Nazi..."

In another historical and political context during the American civil war, the African-Americans in the south fought for the Confederate States of America, those states that did not recognized their fundamental human rights.  As historian Charles Kelly Barrow wrote, in a book entitled, Forgotten Confederates, 1995; that African-American fought for Confederate States, "Although Confederate state constitution guaranteed the preservation of slavery as a social and economic institution."  Furthermore Barrow stated, "They [Blacks] all knew that the Northern army was fighting for their freedom, and that the Southern army was fighting to keep them in slavery" and yet the blacks in the south fought for the Southern Confederates army.  Here try to understand,  the role of OPDO  in the TPLF's colonial regime.  It is and has been fighting the OLF on the behalf of and for the colonial army to keep Oromiya within Ethiopian empire, while the OLF is fighting for the independence of Oromiya.  Again in the World War I and II, the African-Americans fought for the US government that at a time did not recognize the basic rights of the black Americans.

In Korea, during World War II, a segment of Korean nationals fought for Japan, their colonizer, in its quest for the conquest of Asia.  In that war the Koreans served Japanese as soldiers, as workers, and as "comfort women", despite the fact, as  historian Robert B. Edgerton,  noted in  his book Warriors of the Rising Sun, 1997;  " Many Japanese had never considered Koreans to be fully human."  These Koreans not only fought in Asia, but also suppressed the Korean resistance movement against Japanese occupation and annexation of their country.  They supported the annexation of Korea by Japan.  They helped Japanese to exploit Korean resources. Historian, Robert T. Oliver, asserted in his book A History of the Korean People in the Modern Times, 1993;  "Between 1939 and 1945, some 800, 000 Korean youths were drafted into Japan's imperial armed forces" to fight in Asia to conquer the weaker nation in Asia on the behalf of Japanese imperial power.  Again, Japanese-Americans fought for American in the WW II despite the fact that Japanese American population were put in concentration and that the Americans called the Japanese race as a "yellow monkeys", "yellow apes".

Similarly, the Oromo fought for, died for, and served the Ethiopian colonial rulers and their empire under the derogatory, the dehumanizing, disparaging and insulting name  "Galla" for over a century as African-Americans fought and served the U.S government under the derogatory name "niger" or "Negro" imposed upon them.   Throughout occupation, Oromo nationals rendered services to Abyssinian rulers, to their empire; despite this they used to refer to Oromo people as "maxifoo Galla", meaning the bad Galla.  The Abyssinian ruling class and its cohorts had been despising the Oromo in  such statements as: "yeGalla xirunnati kamootee bichaa nawu.”  In English, this literally means the only good Gaallas (Oromo) are the only dead ones.  Throughout occupation  to date, the Abyssinians have never trusted the Oromo. Even those Oromo nationals who had been licking and those who are still licking the Abyssinian feet with their tongue and those who served and still serving the Abyssinia empire with the utmost loyalty were not and are not trusted.  Hence for years, the Abyssinians had been expressing their mistrust of Oromo in this term, "Gaallan maaman kamootee bichaa nawu." Laterally it means the only trusted Gallas [Oromos] are the only dead ones.  As long as an Oromo is alive, the  Abyssinians do not trust him or her.  This is not without a reason.  The Abyssinians know that they occupied the Oromo country.  Oromiya is their colony and Oromo people are their colonial subject.  And that the Oromos always resist occupation.  For this resistance, they hate Oromo. It is for this resistance, the Abyssinians do not trust Oromo.  For years, those Oromo nationals who did not resist occupation were called "xiruu Gaallas".  Meaning is good Gaallas.  In reality, the Abyssinians do not even trust their own "xiruu Gaallaas".  For instance, if you call for Ethiopian unity, for Ethiopian democratization, and for alliance with them, they call you "xiruu Gaalla" meaning good Galla.  Hence to be called "xiruu Gaalla", today there are many Oromo nationals serving the Abyssinian new rulers and others are still salivating to join and serve them. Despite this, the Abyssinians never trust them, the native Oromo collaborators.

In the log view of history, we see all occupiers depend on internal collaborators to occupy a country.  And to maintain their occupation, again they depend on the collaborators. That is, collaborators are used against their country and people.  Without internal collaborators, the occupiers cannot sustain their occupation.  Hence, Abyssinia occupied Oromiya with the collaboration of Oromo collaborators and still sustaining the life of occupation with such collaborators.

It is commonplace to say that Europeans colonized most of the world population.  It is also commonplace to talk about an Asiatic country that colonized other Asiatic countries.  That is, the Japan colonization of Korea, Manchuria, and China.   But what is not commonplace is that the world does not talk of the colonization of an African country by an African country. That is the Abyssinian colonization of Oromiya, Sidama, and etc. As mentioned above, throughout history all colonial governments in order to maintain peace and order had used native nationals.  And so since Oromiya's occupation, Abyssinia has been using native Oromo nationals in order to maintain peace, stability and order in the empire.   All colonizers organized specialized armies and police forces from the colonial people to fight their own colonized people.

------------------To be continued------------------------------

Oromiya voices against conquest, collaboration, neutrality, and silence

2011-02-27T08:00:00.000-08:00

By Leenjiso Horo

Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful determined citizens can change the world; it is the only thing that ever has. Margaret Mead

1. General Introductory Remarks

This paper is written for those Oromo nationals, for those nationals who do not know about the Oromo struggle, its purpose, and its problems, for those nationals who do not want to know about it: the indifferent spectators; for those nationals who know little about it, and for those nationals who know everything about it, but choose to seek personal self-interest at the compromise of Oromo national struggle. And it is also written for the Oromo generation yet unborn, the generation that may ask questions to known and understand about us, the generations before it. Again as a reminder, it is also for those nationals who have been carrying the burden
of Oromo national liberation struggle. All in all, this paper is about the conquest of Oromiya, the Oromo struggle, the problems, and the change sought.

Every struggle is for a change, a change for social, political or otherwise. A struggle against colonial occupation is a struggle for a political change, a change from status of colonial subject to status of free and independent people. This paper highlights the essence of the Oromo struggle for independence along with the crime of conquest and occupation of Oromiya. As well as the dangers of collaboration, neutrality, and silence and the betrayal and propaganda of the revisionist Oromo nationals. It also draws some lessons from the collaborators shown up in other societies and compares that experience with the past and the present political situations in Oromiya. In the process, the paper fosters the spirit of Oromoness: truth, unity and exposes lies and deceptions in the struggle. All in all, this article is written with George Santayana's immortal warning in mind: Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to relieve it.

History is full of changes. Changes in many directions: social, political, science, medicine, art, music and et cetera. Change is the law of nature; so everything changes; nothing stays constant for all times. That is why the change from colonialism to independence is inevitable. And every change, political or otherwise, begins in Margaret Mead's words with “a small group of thoughtful, determined citizens." It is such a group that “can change the world" and "it is the only thing that ever has", she observed. Indeed, it is such a highly motivated, thoughtful,
conscious, and visionary group that can truly galvanize the whole population to bring about the sought change. The logic of this implies that the engine of change is the people, the organized people. That is the conscious and organized force. To this effect, the first basic Marxist-Leninist doctrine states that "uniting the broad masses is a decisive guarantee for the victory of the
revolution."

The interest of this paper is with a political change, a political struggle for a change. This is what the Oromo struggle is all about. In the recorded history, no political change had ever been made easily, smoothly, painlessly, peacefully, and without inconvenience. So, political change had never happened easily in the past; it will never happen now, and will not happen in the future. The reason is plain and simple to understand. Here is why. As Newton's Law of Force reminds us, "for every action there is equal and opposite reaction." That is, for every force, there
is opposite force acting against it. It goes without saying then for every revolution, there is counterrevolution. And for every national liberation struggle, there is counter national liberation struggle. Hence capitulationists, opportunists, and revisionists are opponents of national liberation struggle; they resist, counter, and hinder national liberation struggle. And hence they are opponent of liberation. Since colonial occupation, the Oromo struggle has been facing such
opponents. The origin of the opponents are and have been both from within and from
without. While the colonial regime and its foreign sponsors are the external opponents of the Oromo national struggle, its local Oromo alliances are the internal one.

2. The conquest and occupation

Empires by their very nature and characteristics were and still are both in opposition to, in contradiction and in conflict with freedom, independence, and sovereignty of nations. Empires were formed through bloody and brutal conquest of sovereign and independent nations and nationalities. Ethiopia, for example, is such an empire. This empire, the Ethiopian empire, was formed through bloody conquest of nations and nationalities in the Horn of Africa, Oromiya included. In the conquest of Oromiya, Emperor Menelik II of Abyssinia created hell on earth for Oromo. He massacred Oromo men, women, and children. In that war of conquest, many Oromo had been shot and many had been literally butchered with knives and axes and their
bodies were disfigured. Their fingers, arms, legs, and heads were separated lying around everywhere in a heap. Pregnant women with their unborn were slaughtered. The living women's breasts were hacked off with knives. And the living men's eyes were gouged out; their limbs were emasculated and mutilated. Today, the piles of mutilated and disfigured skeletons of his Oromo victims stand as a living witness at Aannolee and Calanqo. Moreover, villages across Oromiya were razed to the ground. It was in this way, the Abyssinian ruler, Emperor Menelik II, formed Ethiopia. And so, Ethiopia is an empire. Hence the Ethiopian empire, as all empires before it, was created by force and ever since has been controlled and administered by brute use
of force. With this, the successive empire rulers undermined the political, social, legal, and moral structures of the societies that were conquered and fall under them.

Moreover, with occupation the Oromo people were deprived of their national sovereignty. And ever since they have been denied of their right to self determination as a distinct people; Oromiya and its people were torn apart. The Oromo people lost their rights to their country and land. The entire Oromiya was divided into administrative regions as into Provinces (Teqilay Gizats), Provinces into counties (Awuraajas), and Counties into districts (woredas) of empire of
Ethiopia. Abyssinian legal system was imposed on the conquered nations. In Oromiya, system of "ballabbat" or landowning class was created and erected to destroy the Gada system, its institutions, its laws, and the leadership of the Oromo people. As a result, the Oromo have become a nation without state, without institutions, and has been without leadership ever since. In their place, the colonial administration created local chieftains (balabbats or qoroo) as a leadership for every tribe on the basis of tribal setting for the purpose of tax collection and to discourage resisting the occupation. They were created to enforce laws and order of the empire
in their areas. Indeed, they were integral part of security apparatus of the empire. Hence since occupation, Oromiya has been under the successive administration of colonial bureaucrats along with their native Oromo collaborators. This has left Oromo generations with no point of institutional memory and reference to fight for. For the Oromo generation of today, our history has became events of the past, distant past and blurred. Particularly for Abyssinianized Oromo nationals, it has no attraction. But our history is not a muted history, but living history. The problems the Oromo political organizations have been facing today arouse from this. As consequence, most nationals could not pass immediate local appeal and so unable to politically connect themselves to the nation, the history, the country and its struggle. Individuals with Abyssinians political outlook, political attitude and appeal have been at the organizational hierarchy of Oromo political organizations. As a result, there has been and is a continued struggle within leadership and within members of the organizations between the nationalists and the bureaucratized and politically Abyssinianized Oromo Abyssinian lackeys. The consequence of this is the fragmentation of nationals and stagnation of national struggle.

Needless to say, when Abyssinia colonized Oromiya, it made every attempt, until recent years, to Abyssinianize its conquest. Hence the conquest of Oromiya meant that the Oromo language no longer the primary language for Oromo people. Even though, the Oromos could not be prevented from speaking it, but as a subject of Abyssinia, it was Amharic that was to be Oromo's primary tongue. In Oromiya, the Abyssinian language was made the language of the courtroom, schools, bureaucracy, media and etc. If you do not speak Amharic, you cannot be hired at any level in the empire. Oromo language was presented as unintelligible language, as "birds" language. The objective was to discourage the Oromo children from speaking it. The
Abyssinian cultures, meaning the Amhara and Tigrean cultures were imposed upon the colonized nations and nationalities. That is, the colonized people had to sing Abyssinian song. They had to listen to Abyssinian music, dance the Abyssinians way of dancing, and greet each other in Abyssinian language, either in Amharic or Tigrean language. All in all, the conquest was Abyssinianized.

Furthermore, the successive Abyssinian rulers tried to obliterate the Oromo past and their history. They distorted the Oromo history. In that, Oromo were presented as a people without history. The Oromo children, instead of studying, learning, and knowing their own Oromo history had been told and forced to study, to learn and to know the Amhara and Tigrean history, their heroes and heroines. Again instead of having pride, in being Oromo, the Oromo youths had been told and forced to take pride in being Ethiopian. These are the tragedies that are still haunting the Oromo national’s to-date. Today, the recalcitrant intellectuals, the profiteers, and
those who pursue narrow individual interests are the hangers-on on Abyssinian culture, on its identity and attitude. It is these recalcitrant groups that are bombarding the Oromo youths with the political propaganda of democratization of Ethiopian empire. It is only with the restoration of Oromo independence, this tragedy of occupation, the Ethiopian colonialism, one of the cruelest crimes of the last quarter of the nineteenth-century, will have to be rectified. It can only
be rectified with the independence of Oromiya.

----------------------To be continued--------------------------------

The OLF Congratulates the People of Southern Sudan for Choosing Independence

2011-02-19T10:09:00.000-08:00

The decisive verdict of the people of southern Sudan, voting for independence of their country, is inspiration to the Oromo people. The birth of a new southern Sudan is a huge positive step forward for the Horn of Africa and the rest of the world.

As we congratulate Southern Sudan, we would like to call upon some Oromo political organisations deluded in their belief that national independence is impossible in the era of globalisation to wake up and join us in pushing our just cause for liberation of Oromia to its rightful conclusion in victory.
Read more from the source: http://www.oromoliberationfront.info/index.html

Which Model for the Oromo Struggle: The Recent Arab Uprising, the Former Eastern Block or the South Sudanese?

2011-02-18T03:15:00.000-08:00

Source: OromoAffairs.blogspot.com
By Samuel Guutuu

It feels like 1989 in the Arab world. The end of the cold war in 1989 ushered in the revolt in Eastern Europe and finally the fall of the Berlin wall.

2011 ushered in the Arab revolt. The general public led by the middle class in the Arab world seems to have become angry at the lack of progress that has held them back despite their oil wealth. The pervasive corruption that has limited opportunities for the millions who cannot find work has enraged the Arab world from Tunisia to Egypt, to Jordan, to Yemen and the list goes on. Political turmoil is creeping around Arab streets one after another. Is the game over for despotic Arab leaders? Only time will tell.

The driver and the inspiration for the overthrow of communist regimes in 1989, and now Arab leaders, is a call for democracy, freedom, economic opportunity and representative government.

However, there is one notable difference between the uprisings in the former eastern block and the Arab world today. The revolt in the former was not only for, and did not only result in creation of, democracies but also liberation and independence of many nations under alien domination. The notable difference here lays in the fact that we know of no nation seeking liberation from alien domination or independent state in the Arab sphere at least at this time.
On the other hand, the people of South Sudan fought war of liberation for independent state for the past 55 years which finally came to a successful conclusion. They have just announced an overwhelming vote for independence. A new nation is being born on the other side of the western borders of Oromia. The OLF has been conducting a similar war of independence for the past 40 years. The Oromo are struggling against Abyssinian colonial rule akin to the South Sudanese war against Arab rule imposed on them.

It is interesting to read suggestions by some quarters that something like the Arab revolution should be attempted in Ethiopia. While it is natural to wish and try to emulate a successful endeavour, to be led by wish alone is a recipe for failure and even disaster. The importance of taking in to account the similarities and differences in subjective and objective conditions of these societies cannot be over emphasized.

The similarities are obvious for the careful observer: a dictatorial regime, sky high inflation, lack of freedom etc … These similarities have been discussed to death by those who wish for the same upheaval in Ethiopia as, say, in Tunisia. However, there are important differences to be considered here which all opposition groups and commentators can ignore only to the detriment of the peoples of the empire.
The main differences between Tunisia/Egypt (North Africa) and Ethiopia are many folds.

The first is, unlike in the Tunisia/Egypt case, there is an obvious lack of a sizable middle class to lead an urban based street protest to challenge the dictator in Ethiopia. Tunisia’s “per capita income is almost double that of Morocco and Egypt. It's higher than Algeria's, …” Ben Ali ran a police state where the people simply "shut up and consumed" for years which in the process created a sizable middle class. No such middle class exists in the Ethiopian empire to lead and sustain such a resistance.

The second is that Ethiopia is an empire, albeit backward and lethal in its subjugation of not only action but thought. As all empires before it, in order to perpetuate its existence, Ethiopia keeps a tight leash on the use of the rudimentary communications infrastructure in the country. Access to communications media such as cell phones, Facebook, Twitter.and other social networking media that have been used in Tunisia/Egypt is concentrated in the hands of the regime’s supporters besides being monitored and tightly controlled not only during a time of turmoil but at all times.

Thirdly, Ethiopia has no national army to speak of in the first place but an ethnic (Tigrean) army whose loyalty lies with its ethnic base and whose neutrality in an event of a popular upheaval cannot be counted on. This assertion is based not on assumptions but on experiences gained during past popular uprisings in the empire under the current regime.
If the Amhara, the group that considers itself to be archetypal Ethiopian, in addition to Tigray, manages to gather their effort in organizing urban revolt akin to their attempt in the 2005, the striking difference between the Egyptian security forces and the Tigray dominated Ethiopian security forces will become obvious to those who suggest a Tunisian style revolt will succeed in the Ethiopian empire. The former is a national force and the latter is a security force of a nation called Tigray currently colonizing the rest. The Egyptian military is a national army and ordinary residents of Cairo can mount the tanks and talk to their own boys in uniform. Try that to the Agazi force and you will see the difference. It is not that the Agazi are naturally different but they are from Tigray and do not even speak your language. Their national interest which they are given order to protect is not similar to, say, the Oromo national interest or anyone else’s for that matter.

Unlike in the Arab countries, it would be difficult to organize the peoples alongside economic class in the Ethiopian empire. While monopolizing the economy, income disparities, lack of opportunities, and lack of freedom of various sorts are part of the grievance against the regime in Ethiopia they by no means affect all nations and nationalities in that empire equally. While the people whose ethnic brethren are in power (Tigreans) have been benefiting from the status quo, other peoples bore the brunt of the regime’s attack. To maintain the status quo, it is likely that the Tigray people, who currently have the state on their side, will side with the regime thereby changing a popular upheaval against the regime to a conflict between peoples. For a serious analyst of today’s Ethiopia and TPLF psychology, such a scenario is not only possible but inevitability.

For nations like the Oromo who are not only under colony but under the rule of a despot like Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia, the comparison between the uprisings in Tunisia/Egypt and Ethiopia is tempting but wrong. Arab societies are not in revolt against a system imposed on them from outside while the opposite is true for colonized nations like the Oromo in the Ethiopian context. The Arab revolt is a popular uprising to change the system within one nation/state in their respective nations for they consider themselves citizens of the same state. That is not the case for the peoples, nations and nationalities languishing in the Ethiopian empire also dubbed “prison of nations.”

The matter of whether the Oromo should be inspired by the South Sudan success, the Arab revolution or the Eastern European model needs to be answered.

The fact remains that the Ethiopian state is neither Federal, nor Democratic nor a Republic. It is a dying empire. Given the above concerns and the Oromo long term experience with the past two major Ethiopian revolutions both OLF and the Oromo people should model their struggle on the proven method that guarantees freedom and human emancipation from the ugliest system of slavery. The Oromo are well advised to follow the example of South Sudan for their struggle closely mirrors and calls for similar outcome as that of the South Sudanese. Just in case the Ethiopians (Amahara and Tigray) rose against their rulers, the Oromo should use that opportunity to organize and bolster their chance for liberation and independent Oromia just like others did in the former Yugoslavia and the USSR.

From Tunisia to Where?

2011-02-14T01:14:00.000-08:00

By Ibsaa Guutama
The abuse of power has led a Tunisian citizen, Bouazizi to burn himself. The despair that led to that citizen’s demise was in the feelings of majority Tunisians. They all rose against the dictator Ben Ali before they were forced to burn themselves like their compatriot. The Middle Eastern countries that have the same problem learned from Tunisia how to sacrifice for their rights. They rose in unison to tell their rulers enough was enough. Whether they achieved their goal now or not, they have shown the world that the sovereign is the people, not the gun wielder. It is not foreign interest, but the national need. These uprisings may be sabotaged for the moment, but the struggle can never be stopped.

Popular uprisings are like epidemic they pass from country to country. The panacea is respect for peoples and individual rights, the rule of law and democratic governance. Where these lack, people learn lessons from those that have dared to challenge the abusers. The possibility of decease being transmitted immediately or after a break is very high. Patience usually wears out though the level of tolerance may vary. This we have learned from world movements of the 60s.

Nowadays, many elites with like minds from the Ethiopian empire are dreaming of the day when the Habashaa rises against Mallas, who is as dictator as Ben Ali or leaders of other countries that are following Tunisia’s example. The Diaspora is echoing these events wishing the epidemic of uprising to reach their country. These elites want to set fire at home from an arena where they will not directly burn by it. They are calling the people to follow North African example. The situation of their people is known to be worse than their North African brethren. But they are either waiting for Wayyaanee to fall entangled in its own mischief or their saviors come from overseas like their last emperor to rescue them. The Emperor’s model of transplanting rulers seems obsolete for the time. The discontent and expectation of uprising had been there before the explosion in Tunisia. Why the drumbeat now? They tried and failed to take by ballot box the power Mallas earned by sweat and blood. Insurrection will also face the same hurdle unless they are more prepared than before.

Years has passed since the Oromo had risen against the colonizer demanding for their rights. Popular insurrections are inevitable when both objective and subjective situations are congruent; not by inducing rebellion of the enslaved before the situation is ripe. Otherwise, it will be empowering the powerless adversary. The Oromo people had no worst situation as the present. They are being dislocated from their ancestral grounds; they are daily being harassed, poisoned, tortured, disappeared, imprisoned and killed. Their demand for the right to national self-determination is still being joked at. Oromiyaa still lags behind in organization. Nobody knows when the situation will explode. Therefore, to get self-reliantly prepared before it happens is imperative.

The OLF is a liberation front. Its goal is to dismantle the Empire state and form an independent republic of Oromiyaa. No equivocation on this issue will serve the purpose of peace and mutual understanding with Ethiopian organizations. The goal of the Ethiopian opposition is to overthrow Mallas and replace him as leaders of the empire. Their goal thus is irreconcilable with that of OLF unless they openly recognize Oromo’s stated rights. It will be irresponsible to call upon the people to rise against Mallas from a distance. The caller must be ready to shape the outcome and live with the people in order to share any backfire. As for alliance with Oromo, show better offer than the incumbent, then OLF will be all ears. Otherwise, the old lady has said long, long ago, “Maal haa baasuuf dhama raasuu?” (To produce what do they churn whey?).

Honor and glory for the fallen heroines and heroes; liberty, equality and freedom for the living, and nagaa and araaraa for the Ayyaanaa of our fore parents!

Ibsaa Guutama
February 2011
Ibsaa Guutama is a member of the generation that drew the first Political program of the OLF.

“Dhama raasuun maal haa baasuufii?”

2011-02-14T01:10:00.000-08:00

Ibsaa Guutamatiin*

Roorroon mirgaa, nambiyyaa Tuunisiyaa Bouazizi akka of gubu tolche. Abdii kutannaan badiisa nambiyyaa sanaatti geese Tunisiyootaa wayyaba keessas ture. Utuu akkuma lammii saanii sanaa of gubuu irra hin ga’in abbaa hirree Been Aliitt fincilani. biyyooti Baha Gidduu rakkina walfakkaataa qaban mirgaf wareegamuun akka jiru Tunisiyaa irra arganii sosso’uu eegalan. Gaha jechuun gaha jechuu akka tahe beksisuuf tokkummaan mootummaa saaniiti ka’anii. Akeeka saanii fiixaan baasanis hin baasinis moo’ummaan kan ummataa malee kan abbaa qawwee akka hin taane addunyaati agarsiisaniiru. Dhimma halagaa osoo hin tahin olhaanaan fedha ummataa akka tahe muldhisan. Fincilli kun yeroof hankaaksamuu ni dandaha, qabsicha garuu hambisuun matumaa hin yaadamu.

Fincilli ummataa akka golfaa biyyaa biyyati darbaa jedhama. Qorichi saa ulfina mirga ummataa fi abba tokkee, seeraan bula fi bulcha demokratawe. Bakka sun hanqatett namooti kanneen roorisaa diduu uggan irra barnota argatu. Ammuma yk bubbulee dhibeen waliti dadarbuun hin oolu. Hammam akki danda’an adda adda hatahu malee obsi dhumuun waan hin oollee. Sochooti Addunyaa 60mootaa kan nu huubachiisanii darbani.

Si’ana gurguddoon empayera Itiyophiyaa yaadaan walfakii Mallasaa akka Alii fi hoogganoota itt fincilame biraa roorisaa ta’ett Habashaan yoom ka’u jedhanii abjootu. Kun caalaa alati qiliwissaa jira. Gurguddoon sun ofii suduudaan bakka hin gubanne jiraataa biyyaan akka Afrikaa kaabaa ka’i jedhu. Ummati saanii tarii obbolaa saanii Kaaba Afrikaa jiran irra hala hamaa keessa jiru taha. Garuu gartokkon Wayyaaneen dira’inuma seetiin of xaxxee kuftii yoo eegan gara biraan fayyisooti saanii akkuma nugusa saanii dhumaa deebi’anii nu baraaru jedhanii abdatu. Fakmishoon bulchoota habaqaluu kan yeroon itt darbe fakkaata. Balfii fi fincilli eegamuun, dhoowaa Tunisiyaa duras ture. Amma kan dibbee rukichiisuu fide maalii? Sanduqa irbaan ango Mallasaan dafqaa fi dhiigaan argate fudhachuu yaalanii dadhabani; ka’i ummataas yoo kan dur caalaa qophaawan tahe malee danqaraan sana gadii isa hin eegu.

Oromoon koloneeffataa irra mirga saa falmachuutt erga ka’ee tureera. Yeroo wanti halle (haala waattahisaa fi yaattahisa) wal qixxaatu fincilli ummataa waan hin oolle; garuu osoo haalli hin bilchaatin kan garbooman ciniinfachiisuu yaaluun miti. Kana malee hamajaajii aangoo hin qabne aangessuu ta’a. Oromoon haala amma jiru caalaa hamaan itti hin dhufu. Araddaa akaakilee saanii irra buqqa’a jiru; guyyuu kurkurfamaa, hadhaan faalamaa, guraaramaa, dhabamaa, hidhamaa, fi ajjeefamaa jiraatu. Gaaffiin saanii mirga sabummaa ofii ofiin murteeffachuu ammallee itt ga’isamaa jira. Ammayyuu jaarmaan duubati harkifataa jiru. Haalichi yoom akka dhoowu hin beekamu. Kanaaf of danda’oo ta’anii eeggachuun dirqii dha.

ABOn adda bilisummaati. Kaayyoon saa finnaa empayeraa diigee republic Oromiyaa ijaaruu dha. Qabattee kana irratt dubbii wal jala dabarsuun dhimma nagaa fi qayabannoo dhaabota Itiyoopiyaa waliin qabaatamu hin gargaaru. Dhugaatu gargaaraa ulfinas nama kennisiisa. Akeeki mormitoota Itiyoophiyaa Mallasaa fonqolchanii akka hogganoota empayerichaatti bakka saa bu’uudha. Kanaaf akeeki saanii yoo mirga Oromoo dhihaatan beekaniif malee Kaayyoo ABO waliin faallaa dha.

Halaalaa Mallasaatt ka’aa jedhanii waamicha gochuun abbaawummaa dhabuu dha. Kan waamu itt baha ka’ichaa dhandhoonuuf qophee ta’uun nama gidduti argamee kan duubati dhuka’u yoo jiraate hirmachuun dha. Waa’ee tumsa Oromoo waliinii ilaalchisee bu’aa wayyaa kan aangoo irra jiru caalaa agarsiifnaa jennaan ABOn gurra qeensuu hin dhiisu.. Sana malee akka jaartittiin jette “Dhama raasuun maal haa baasuufii?”

Ulfinaa fi surraan gootota kufaniif; walabummaa, walqixxummaa fi bilisummaan kan hafaniif; nagaa fi araarri Ayyaana abboolii fi ayyoliif haa ta’u!

* Ibsaa Guutama
Guraandhala 2011
Ibsaa Guutama miseensa dhaloota saganta ABO isa jalqabaa baasan keessaa tokkoo.

Obama: US to recognize Southern Sudan

2011-02-07T14:04:00.001-08:00

WASHINGTON – President Barack Obama says the United States intends to formally recognize Southern Sudan as a sovereign, independent state in July.

Obama made the announcement Monday in a statement congratulating the people of Southern Sudan for "a successful and inspiring" referendum.

Election officials said Monday that more than 98 percent of ballots in the Jan. 9 vote were for independence. That means South Sudan will become the world's newest country in July.

Obama said that after decades of conflict the image of millions of southern Sudanese voters deciding their own future was an inspiration to the world. He also said it's another step forward in Africa's long journey toward justice and democracy.

THIS IS A BREAKING NEWS UPDATE. Check back soon for further information. AP's earlier story is below.

The United States said Monday it is reviewing its designation of Sudan as a sponsor of terrorism after the African nation accepted the outcome of an independence referendum by South Sudan.

Election officials said Monday that more than 98 percent of ballots in the Jan. 9 vote were in favor of independence, meaning South Sudan will become the world's newest country in July.

Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton commended the Sudan government for accepting the outcome.

She said in a statement that the designation will be lifted if Sudan does not support terrorism for the preceding six months and provides assurance it will not do so in future. It must also fully implement a 2005 peace agreement that ended a two-decade civil war between the north and south that killed more than 2 million people.

"We look forward to working with southern leaders as they undertake the tremendous amount of work to prepare for independence in July and ensure the creation of two viable states living alongside each other in peace," Clinton said.

The mainly Christian south and mainly Muslim north must still negotiate citizenship rights, oil rights and border demarcation. Virtually all of southern Sudan's budget comes from oil revenue, and the north wants to maintain fuel supplies from the south.

Sudan's President Omar Al-Bashir, who has been indicted for war crimes in the western Sudan region of Darfur, on Monday backed the vote results and said he wanted to be the first to congratulate the south on its new state.

State Department spokesman P.J. Crowley told a news conference in Washington that the government of Sudan has made clear that it wants normal relations with the United States.

He said the U.S. was willing to lift the terror designation if Sudan met the requirements of U.S. law.

Sudan has been on the U.S. list of states that sponsor terrorism since 1993.

Egypt in Crisis, Self-governed Cairo, and the Emergence of Egypt?s Civil Society

2011-02-06T10:27:00.000-08:00

Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis

In an earlier article published under the title ??The Collapse of the Mubarak Regime and the Re-birth of Egypt?? (amongst others: http://searchwarp.com/swa692056-The-Collapse-Of-The-Mubarak-Regime-And-The-Re-Birth-Of-Egypt.htm), I expanded on the underlying reasons of the present moment upheaval.

It is true that under the Mubarak regime Egypt was run exactly opposite to what most of the Egyptians would have wished their country to be ruled. But it would be very simplistic to automatically establish a divide of the type ??Civil, democratic society supporters vs. an autocratic regime??.

1. Fragmented, Outdated Opposition, Political Myths, Western Mass Media

It is clear that the political oppression, which took the form of elimination of parties from the political arena and of preservation of political parties as a mausoleum-like caricature, triggered the socio-political fragmentation and the theoretical compartmentalization that the ruling regime wanted to create as a means of consolidation of the National Democratic Part (NDP) in the power.

The socio-political fragmentation and the regime-propagated myths prevented most of the Egyptians from seeing their country, their identity, their vocation, their country?s position in the area, and the entire world in terms of reality. In this regard, one must specify that Modern Islamism and Pan-Arabism are colonially fabricated theories and socio-behavioural systems, first elaborated in the Orientalist ateliers of the Anglo-French colonial academia and later projected onto the targeted nations in order to help the colonial powers smoothly embed their policies without major opposition.

The Western mass media diffused worldwide an altered image of the Egyptian reality, thus helping the regime myths remain intact in Egypt, and the global public opinion stay in mysteries. In many aspects, the Mubarak regime was catastrophic for the Western interests, contributing to the rightful radicalization of middle and lower social layers. This situation is not exclusively Egyptian and typifies many different countries all over the world. Consequently, Egypt serves as an excellent example of how not to rule a country.

This was clearly shown on Friday, 28 January 2011, when the police stations were burnt throughout the country, and in many cases this was done by exasperated police officers who hated themselves for having undeservedly executed immoral and unpopular orders of their superiors. What happened is something that most of the Egyptians would have considered as absolutely impossible a few weeks earlier. In some cases, even the house of the local police head was set in fire.

This shows that the regime was not as strong as many had thought it to be. Another point of despair for the terminating Mubarak regime is the fact that the outright majority of the Egyptians demonstrated a great sense of civic duty, totally isolated the pro-Mubarak protesters, and successfully reduced the extent of the pillage.

2. Looting, and the Emergence of Egyptian Civic Sense

Many asserted that the pillage was carried out by the policemen themselves; this is really an outrageous lie; it may eventually be due to ignorance of a modern state?s structure. In every modern state, there is a para-state organization. Most of the Organized Crime (another term to describe the same scheme) is run by people who hold important positions in the government, the police, the national security, the secret services, the army, the academia (notably selected professors of Law and Medicine), and the circle of business. The aforementioned does not imply either independent structure or regular function with offices and employees.

The structure of the Organized Crime is parasitical, and it could not be otherwise. There is a hierarchy with orders given from the top to the correct subordinates per case, but all the members hold other, officially known, positions that they duly and effectively utilize for the needs of their para-state organization, and of their interests in it. As it happens with secret societies, the members? loyalty is first given to the Organized Crime.

In the case of the Egyptian insurgence, the looting of some shops (notably Carrefour Maadi), apartments, and the Egyptian Museum must be credited to the Organized Crime. However bad and sad it may be, it triggered - as I already said - a great sense of civic duty among Egyptians. With the disappearance of the police, simple people took the neighbourhood?s security in their own hands, closing several streets and creating an effective traffic network across Cairo that became the city of 100000 control posts.

This common effort brought together neighbours who had never spoken to one another or even had not known each other. At the control points, there were variably people of all ages, demanding the identity card and the driving license of each car/taxi driver. This occurred the whole day long on Saturday, 29th of January, and to lesser extent on Sunday, 30th of January, and Monday 31st of January. Beyond that term, the controls were effectuated only during the curfew, which on some days (Tuesday 1st of February) started at 15:00 and ended at 8:00, to be later loosened to 19:00 - 6:00!

3. Cairo under Curfew

The Egyptian concept of curfew is deeply humane; in other cases, violation of curfew means risking being shot dead. This was never the case in Egypt; simply you had to accept to stop every 500 meters (in some cases 150 m and in few cases 2 km) in front of the control people of the area, talk with them, and show to them your identification documents.

At times, the control people were very friendly, understanding that the process may have been really embarrassing for a driver. At any point of main road, one could find a taxi every 5 or 20 minutes until as late as 23:00.

The coordination among the control groups was great, and at times, drivers were given passwords to utter to the people of the next control stop, which meant that there they would avoid being systematically controlled; thus, the entire process was somewhat facilitated. For a person with my experience, who may have crossed various districts and highways throughout Cairo by taxi for seven consecutive evenings, there was compassion, understanding, fairness, and trust.

With the emergence of the army as a top key element of traffic security (mainly on Thursday 3rd of February), loyalty was added to the aforementioned traits.

4. Talking to Youngsters in Charge

To offer a personal example, in the evening of Thursday, 3rd of February, I picked up a taxi at 21:15 in the Autostrad highway nearby Maadi to go to Abbassia; practically speaking, this means a movement from Cairo?s south-eastern suburb to the easternmost confines of the central part of the city.

The taxi driver decided to avoid the (shorter and faster under normal conditions) Autostrad highway, and cross poorer districts like Bassetin and Sayeda Ayesha, hoping to find there fewer control stops. At a certain moment, we came upon a group of youngsters who thought that I was one of the friends of Gamal Mubarak who either already left the country or are hiding in order not to be arrested.

Since these youngsters were not convinced in the nervous discussion that ensued, they asked my papers, which I presented to them in order to prove that I was not an Egyptian. They could not believe that a person with Greek passport would cross such a poor area whereby many Islamic era tombs have been occupied by homeless and duly transformed into houses for the living. Quasi-automatically, a crowd of no less than 50 people surrounded the taxi, rendering the taxi driver very nervous, as he knew that their worry was unjustified. Angrily, they ordered him not to speak, and this was what I advised him to do immediately.

They then checked my handbag, handed it over to me, and took my passport and ??carnet?? (employee identification card) for meticulous control; after an early examination, they kept the two documents, asking the taxi driver to follow their own car. That was the moment one should not panic, and having not worried at all, I managed to calm down my taxi driver. I was anticipating the development that I will further narrate. As we moved, I came to notice that behind us no less than ten (10) motorbikes followed to accompany my taxi, carrying two or even three youngsters each.

Finally we reached the major traffic control point at the entrance of the Citadel, which was ensured by the military. Tanks, armoured vehicles and many soldiers were deployed around. There, the end of the trouble would occur; the youngsters handed over my papers to the head of the military, and disappeared, having carried an act that fully represents a feeling of loyalty and attachment to the army. Under similar circumstances, this was indeed the best thing for them to do. The military apologized to me because of the curfew and the ?trouble?, asked my destination, and handed over my papers back to me. We then proceeded to my destination, crossing numerous control points with fewer youngsters...

5. Isolation of the pro-Mubarak Protesters

Another indication of the great sense of civic duty shared by most of the Egyptians is the fact they totally isolated the pro-Mubarak protesters. Here again, it became a matter of passionate debate among Egyptians whether the pro-Mubarak manifesting crowd were real NDP members or police officers or even paid servants, who performed their spectacle after getting 50 LE or 100 LE each. Again here, one should replace the term ??police officers?? with ?? Organized Crime?? to be correct; but it would be highly unlikely that the latter may be involved in anything unrelated to money.

On the other hand, the assumption that people would go risking their lives for just 10 or 20 US $ (the equivalent of the above suggested prices in Egyptian pounds) is rather misplaced. If we assume that there were 10000 (ten thousand) pro-Mubarak protesters in Down Town Cairo - and I really don?t believe that this figure is wrong -, this would mean anything between 100000 and 200000 US $ as total operation cost. If we multiply this amount by five (5), which implies a total amount of US $ 1 million; the amount is minimal, if what is at stake is a 3-decade long presidential tenure. However, it does not make any sense to have ready supporters, eager to act and protest, and pay money instead, even though the amount sees to be minimal for the huge property made by the Mubarak family alone over the past decades.

It is true that the terminating president Mubarak does have many followers; of course, this expression is quite relative. ??Many followers?? does not mean 25% of the total population of the country, but with Egypt totalling ca. 82 million people, a meagre 5% represents already 4 million people across the country, and proportionally speaking, ca. 600000 - 700000 people in Cairo.

In my earlier article (as per above), I specified that ??Egypt?s socioeconomic elite was very small?? and that they ??totalled at the most ca. 200000 people??, adding that ??the Mubarak regime made it possible for the socio-economic elite to live as per Western standards ...., and simply put in jail those who with action or flagrant public speech threatened the continuation of the said social order??. In doing so, through the consecutive governments and administrations over the past three decades, Mubarak turned his NDP into a tool of social penetration and political support.

Many simple people, belonging to either the middle or the lower classes, found in the NDP membership a successful way to eliminate bureaucratic barriers in launching a business, obtain remarkable favours, and last but not least, find a job position that would otherwise be an impossible dream.

In this regard, NDP deputies managed to acquire a political clientele on whom they bestowed considerable socio-professional and economic privileges. These have been the typical NDP supporters; these were the pro-Mubarak voters in the last presidential and parliamentary elections whereby the abstention was extraordinarily high. And it is only normal for an Egyptian to surmise that the NDP supporters are more numerous in Manoufia and in Al Minya, provinces where the terminating president Mubarak and his wife respectively originate from.

This aforementioned is enough to elucidate the identity of the last week?s pro-Mubarak protesters; they were not paid thugs, as irrelevant Western mass media intentionally propagated in order to fabricate the fake and distorted image of the factoid that they were ordered to diffuse.

They were simple people who evidently did not want to lose their small benefits and privileges at the local level of a neighbourhood or at the professional level, e.g. their position in Egypt?s huge and dysfunctional public sector.

The fact that they were very few in demonstrating and fighting against the regime opponents does not say much; the anti-Mubarak protesters were also few - for a country of more than 80 million people. The reason for which the bulk of the existing supporters of the Mubarak regime did not show up in the events is the traditional Egyptian self-restrain and the overwhelming desire to limit the upheaval in a short and anodyne period of transition.

What happened to Egypt over the past 12 days? Was it a popular insurgence? Was it a real revolution? Was it a machinated fake rebellion? Could it have been avoided? To these questions, I will answer extensively in several forthcoming articles.

As a matter of fact, Mubarak?s mistakes must now be avoided by others in many parts of the world - to the benefit of all those who, wishing for the best, can bring forth a far worse socio-political situation without even imagining it.

Oromo Refugees out cry for help amid turmoil in Egypt

2011-02-02T23:35:00.000-08:00

by Abdulkadir Gumi

"Amidst the chaos of demonstration and violence in Egypt, I am currently in a secret residence and living in a deep tension, nightmare and do not know where to go to save my life as many other Oromo refugees activist claims that Ethiopian agents can get an opportunity to kill us in cold-blood to violate the right to live in this lawless country"

Oromo proverbs saying, "When two bulls fight, the grass suffers". The grass here is a refugee who have no where to go/stay or speak to, as all humanitarian offices were shut down including UNHCR office at the country where poor, rich and powerful duel for political supremacy and political turmoil is going on . Here the proverb is used to describe two people who were politically motivated citizens/or and leaders whose disputes and divisions end up hurting innocent and powerless people (Refugees).

As witnessed by world Egypt since 25 January 2011, it would be extremely myopic for anyone to imagine that refugees are not vulnerable, the situation that the tension that has rocked Egypt since the demonstration denouncing the legitimacy of the government of Egypt and expressing there grievances. The nationwide series of protest rallies called by opposition ended in violence.

Oromo Refugees and other asylum-seekers in Egypt from different parts of Africa are facing several difficulties and there lives are marked by confusion in Egypt due to sensitive political and security environment. The problems are aggravated by demonstration and political changes that is happening in Egypt this month.

Oromo and other refugees have been living in Egypt for more than two decades because of its stability. The situation is runny while a new wave of conflict in Egypt is changing the political landscape and violence erupts while thousands of Oromo and other refugees are living in Egypt. The fact that ongoing conflict and violence in Egypt will leave refugees in dilemma.

In Egypt a brutal Ethiopia government evicted over 400 Oromo refugees who fled to Egypt to save there lives due to there political reason and many Oromo activist who solely fled for their quest to freedom of expression and speaking against the human rights abuses of the government. The Ethiopian government assigned secret security agents to each Oromo political activist, denying them their right to live peacefully. As the result, these refugees are exposed to lack of other basic human rights.

Oromo and other Refugees has no one protect them as there lives are under threat! An Oromo refugee complained…ANG said."Yesterday I received threatening calls from unknown Egyptian men and currently living in fear with my family.I have been threatened by Ethiopian security agents several times and now more than ever they can get an opportunity to kill me in cold-blood and they can get chance to hire evils arms to make abuse and violate human rights in this lawless country.

"we are psychologically traumatized and we had to stay most of the nights awake. We are both just terrified . Some other terrifying experience is that some people approach our house while I am outside; some just came and knocks the door as if they were selling something or asking for something. When we open the door, they just want to burst in this is just terrible".

"Some refugees, usually women and girls, obtain shelter by working as domestics. Usually they work only for room and board; they are vulnerable to sexual and other exploitation. K a twenty-year-old an Oromo refugee woman explained: "I found a job working as a domestic for a Saudi woman. She had four children and no husband. She gave me food and a place to sleep. I worked from five in the morning until midnight every day. I didn't receive any pay, but food and a sleeping place, when the violence started she left to her country and I left without shelter".

An Oromo female refugee complained…"An Egyptian and two Sudanese men have threatened me after shouting to harass me while I was walking in the market place in Maadi yesterday. I escaped after they forced me to stop, a terrifying moment when they pursued me to my living place, after that threat which is targeting my life. I managed to struggle free, so she went round to call my husband for help, as I do not speak Arabic to ask anyone for help, I don´t not feel safe anymore"

In Egypt, people live in Cairo town where shelter is first priority of living, but Finding money to pay rent is a daily struggle for refugees in Cairo. Monthly rent for a room is between U.S. $100 - $200. In Cairo, most refugees live in crowded rectangular rooms in remote area of Ain shams and hadayek Maadi slums.

A refugee WS said… "Three criminals attacked an Oromo refugee in MAADI area today - one of the defenders was wounded by gunshots. Tell the world that UNHCR has shut down, there are refugees starving, Egyptians refuse in some cases to sell them food, some Egyptians are evicting refugee tenants, because they ran out of money, after UNHCR stopped supplying minimal financial assistant"

Refugee´s main goals of refugees are likely to include:

1. Immediate livelihood and basic needs

2. Physical safety from violence, or threat of violence, or intimidation;

3. Reducing economic vulnerability and food insecurity;

4. Finding a place to settle;

5. Locating lost family members;

In Egypt all refugees are worried about there future and lives. Many especially single girls are exposed to harassment, torture, disappearances and threat to there lives. Unaccounted number of refugees lives in almost other countries of Africa and Iraq. Most refugees have been separated from their families for years ago. Most refugees have no education and where there is no enough access to health facilities.

Sleeping at night is a major problem. Some are lucky and find shelter with friends or family but some even fearing there lives, nightmares and cant sleep due to stress and depression.

In Egypt, Oromo refugees are caught up in violence and conflict; they face deep and chronic problems of insecurity and mental problem. In most cases, the forcibly displaced do not have the resources to move beyond there needs, and they remain internally displaced or move across town to socialize with each other, many of which are facing their own conflict especially Oromo with Other enemy ethnic groups from Ethiopia who were loyal to Ethiopian Embassy in Egypt.

In these rough situation Oromo refugees are facing several challenging security problems created by Ethiopian regimes in Egypt with currently appalling situation. However, to view Oromo refugees as passive victims, waiting for nothing but trouble in and outside Ethiopia, Oromo refugees faces multiple problems in many ways in which they pursue with there livelihoods in harsh security consequences in all there movements.

An Oromo activist who is threatened by unknown calls said, "I have been threatened by Ethiopian security agents several times and now more than ever they can get an opportunity to kill me in cold-blood and they can get chance to hire evil armed gangs to make abuse and violate human rights in this lawless country on me soon"

A Refugees men says, "We unable to access to any offices to report on beatings or other harassment faced by individuals. Even local CBOs leaders are experiencing problems due to lawlessness and fear of anger from local community"

To address these challenges refugees the Humanitarian agencies especially UNHCR must recognize this and seek to address the problems that arise from violation of human rights. Providing counseling, urgent medical assistance and immediate financial assistance refugees.

I am asking the international humanitarian organization especially UNHCR and resettlement countries like USA, CANADA and Australia to see into outcry of Oromo refugees in Cairo and there plights

I urge UNHCR headquarter in Geneva to convince international resettlement countries and organizations to intervene to save stateless refugees desperately living in Egypt.

Eliminate the Terrorist State Abyssinia (Fake Ethiopia) from the Map to Save Human Respectability

2011-01-24T03:10:00.000-08:00

Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis

In an earlier article published yesterday under the title ??After South Sudan, Referendum for Secession Needed in Ogaden and Oromia (Abyssinia, Fake Ethiopia)?? (amongst others: https://www.examiner.com/web-news/wfp?index=4 and http://www.savethechildren.org.au/), I stated that over the next few years, Eastern Africa will undergo a great change, following the recent referendum for independence and secession which was held in South Sudan.

I also specified that Abyssinia (fallaciously re-baptized as Ethiopia) is Africa?s worst tyranny whereby an ethno-religious minority of ca. 17%, namely the Amhara and Tigray Tewahedo (Monophysitic) Abyssinians, rule tyrannically over 15 subjugated nations that all passionately struggle for national liberation, independence and secession from the immense fascist jail that is Abyssinia.

I then reproduced the recently published devastating Report by the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (abridged version), which under the title ??Ethiopia - Monitoring of conflict, human rights violations and resulting displacement still problematic?? can be found, amongst others, here: http://www.trust.org/alertnet/news/ethiopia-monitoring-of-conflict-human-rights-violations-and-resulting-displacement-still-problematicIn and by itself, the comprehensive Report bears witness to the urgent need for an imminent international intervention and elimination of the racist Amhara - Tigray pestilence.

With the present article, I start the republication of the integral edition of the Report, and I will make it publicly known in a series of articles. Before republishing the Report?s first unit, I make available the complete Table of Contents, and I will do so in every part of the series.

Ethiopia - Internal Displacement Profile

http://www.internal-displacement.org/8025708F004CE90B/(httpCountries)/2CC10DD018E56104802570A7004B304F?OpenDocument&count=10000&expandview#expand

I. Causes and Background

Background (Special Report 2007)

Background (Special Report 2007)

Conflict-displacement in the context of displacement due to natural disasters, resettlement and economic migration (Special Report 2007)

II. Background

Study shows Conflict prevalent in all regions of Ethiopia (November 2008)

Continued border tensions between Ethiopia and Eritrea (2007)

Background to the 1998 border dispute

Both Ethiopia and Eritrea used mass deportations as a weapon of war, 1998-2002

Regular human rights violations, particularly after the May 2005 parliamentary elections (January 2006)

Border standoff in November 2005 threatening border stability (March 2006)

Easy availability of small arms contributes to conflicts (2005)

III. Causes of displacement

Conflict between Garre (Somali) and Borena (Oromiya) over disputed land (February 2009)

Conflict causes displacement of tens of thousands in 2008 (February 2009)

Somali region (Special Report 2007)

Somali region: Root causes of, and background to displacement (August 2003)

Somali region: clashes between Ethiopian armed forces and ONLF (June 2008)

Drought-induced displacements fuel conflicts in east and south, 2002-2005 (February 2005)

Somali-Oromo border referendum of December 2004

Oromiya region (Special Report 2007)

Gambella: Causes for displacement (2004)

Gambella: Displacement in December 2003 and in 2004

Gambella: Displacement from 2005 to 2007 (Special Report 2007)

Tigray and Afar regions (Special Report 2007)

Tigray and Afar: Chronology of the military confrontations in border areas between Eritrea and Ethiopia, May 1998 - June 2000

Tigray and Afar: Armed conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia displaced civilians living along the border, 1998-2000

Southern Nation, Nationalities and Peoples region (Special Report 2007)

Afar: tensions between the Afar and the Issa (2007)

Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples' Region (SNNPR): Thousands displaced due to ethnic clashes in the southern region, 2002-2003

IDPs around Addis Ababa (August 2003)

IV. Peace efforts

Federal government asked to help contain regional conflicts (August 2009)

Border impasse between Eritrea and Ethiopia poses serious challenges for peace (July 2008)

Organization of African Unity mediation efforts resulted in 2000 cease-fire

The Boundary Commission, 2000-2005

The United Nations Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE) and the Temporary Security Zone, 2000-2005

The Temporary Security Zone, 2000-2005

Stability along the border shaky as both Ethiopia and Eritrea sharpen their rhetoric (2007)

Traditional reconciliation mechansism: Peace efforts in Gambella (2007)

V. Population Figures and Profile

Global figures

Difficulties in identifying and counting IDPs (Special Report 2007)

Geographical Distribution

Inter-ethnic conflict in southern Ethiopia displaces thousands of people (February 2009)

Somali/Oromiya regions: Displacement due to 2004 Somali/Oromiya border referendum continues to be of concern (February 2006)

Oromiya region: Ethnic conflict between Gabra, Guji and Borena displace over 40,000 since April 2005 (June 2006)

Gambella: Internal displacement (February 2006)

Tigray: 62,000 still displaced since the Ethio-Eritrean war (January 2006)

Three main areas of displacement along the Eritrea/Ethiopia border (April 2003)

Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples' Region: ethnic conflict base for internal displacement (March 2003)

VI. Patterns of Displacement

General

Historic and general overview of causes of displacement (2003)

Reports on displacement due to repression by government in rural areas (January 2006)

Resettlement Programmes and economic migration (Special Report 2007)

VII. Physical Security & Freedom of Movement

Physical security

Somali Region: Serious human rights violations against population in Ogaden, and economic restrictions (August 2009)

Displacement-specific humanitarian and protection challenges (Special Report 2007)

Physical security of IDP women and children are a protection concern (2007)

Somali region: Serious human rights violations against population in Ogaden, and economic restrictions (2007)

VIII. Subsistence Needs

General

Ethiopian State accused of hidding famine, depriving needy of food aid (September 2008)

Drought causes enormous strain on Ethiopia's south-east (April 2006)

IDP needs in Doba Woreda in Oromiya region (February 2005)

IDPs needs in Miesso in Oromiya region (December 2004)

Tigray IDPs live on meagre resources, government response to include them in PSNP (February 2006)

Conflict induced newly displaced people in acute humanitarian situation in Somali and Oromiya regions (March 2006)

Conflict induced IDPs in Bordode/Mieso areas (Somali) in need of planned humanitarian assistance (April 2004)

Food

High malnutrition in IDP producing areas (July 2009)

Over 6 million Ethiopians need food aid (October 2008)

Health

Therapeutic Feeding Centres in vulnerable regions (July 2009)

Drought posing health risks to children (January 2006)

Health risks in relation to the 2006 drought (April 2006)

HIV/AIDS prevalence exacerbated by frequent population movements (March 2003)

Water and Sanitation

Somali Region facing food and water crisis (August 2009)

People in need of emergency water assistance increased from 2.6 to 4.2 million during 2003 (June 2003)

Education

Children in pastoralist and conflict areas face poor access to education (October 2008)

IX. Issues of Self-Reliance and Public Participation

Self-reliance

IDPs likely to be disadvantaged in local allocation system (January 2004)

IDPs self reliance particularly disrupted by loss of assets and access to farmland (May 2002)

X. Documentation Needs and Citizenship

General

Access to land, identity cards and public services goes through local kebele officials (January 2004)

XI. Issues of Family Unity, Identity and Culture

General

Traditional Ethiopian social structure is hierarchical (January 2004)

XII. Property Issues

Law and Policy

Federal and Regional Land proclamations introduce a system of land registration and certification (Jan 2008)

Compensation for land inadequate and possibly putting at risk those without land certificates (January 2008)

Land Proclamations an attempt for enhanced gender equality (January 2008)

XIII. Patterns of Return and Resettlement

Return

Return movements difficult to monitor (2005)

Gambella: return movements in 2007

Thousands of drought-IDPs assisted to return in Somali region (2007)

Obstacles to return

Tigray: Return constrained by presence of landmines Tigray (2007)

Resettlement programmes

Government resettlement plans for 2006 in Amhara (February 2006)

Government?s resettlement programme gives mixed results (December 2004)

Badly planned resettlements in severely drought-affected Oromiya (June 2003)

Resettlement of drought affected people in Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples' Region (July 2003)

75,000 people including war-displaced to be resettled in Humera in Tigray (April 2003)

XIV. Humanitarian Access

General

Humanitarian access limited by conflict, government restrictions (October 2008)

XV. National and International Responses

General

UN and Regional Health bureaus deal with health problems (August 2009)

UN provides $6 million to alleviate suffering (July 2009)

Government agency helps in food distribution (August 2009)

National response (Special Report 2007)

National response is inconsistent and ad hoc (February 2006)

International response (Special report 2007)

International response

Coordination mechanisms

Reference to the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement

African Countries set to adopt Convention to provide rights to IDPs (June 2009)

Known references to the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement (as of July 2004)

Recommendations

Recommendations of Human Rights Watch on Somali Region of Ethiopia (June 2008)

Recommendations of IGAD expert meeting, Khartoum, September 2003

Section I: Causes and Background

Sub-section: Background (Special Report 2007)

Background (Special Report 2007)

http://www.internal-displacement.org/idmc/website/countries.nsf/(httpEnvelopes)/0219F9C9B83E4CAAC125732B00442636?OpenDocument

Special Report: A heritage of autocracy and natural disasters

Ethiopia is one of the world?s poorest countries. Throughout its history, it has suffered from recurring droughts and floods and related famines. It is also characterised by a long history of centralised state power, culminating in military rule under the Marxist Dergue government led by Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam from 1974 to 1991. The 1985 famine brought international attention to Ethiopia, and triggered a huge response to support millions of starving Ethiopians.

The famine brought to the fore the ruthless demographic engineering of the Dergue government. While at times restricting aid agencies? access to the worst-affected northern regions of Tigray and Wollo, the government initiated a large-scale resettlement programme, moving some 600,000 people from the famine-stricken northern highlands to the more fertile south-western lowlands of Gambella and Oromiya regions. Following a shortage of volunteers for the programme, the regime forcibly assembled and transported highland peasant farmers. Tens of thousands of them died either in transit or on arrival, as they were unable to make a living in the different climate, and were susceptible to malaria. The government also implemented a "villagisation" policy, which was intended to eventually cluster some ten million peasants in socialist rural centres. The living and working conditions of these centres were later described as resembling those of forced labour camps.

Both resettlement and villagisation had a terrible impact on the social fabric of the affected populations. Both were presented internationally as development programmes and supported by donor governments. Both programmes, however, also had political objectives, in particular to curb popular support to rebel movements in Tigray, Eritrea and Oromiya regions. Many resettled people were in fact subsequently recruited into the government armed forces, as this offered the only way out of their miserable situation.

Natural disasters such as floods and drought have caused recurring displacement. The most recent waves of drought-related displacement occurred in 2000 and 2003, mainly in eastern regions. Massive flood-induced displacement occurred in November 2006. Ethiopia was also affected by the August 2007 floods.

Besides natural disasters and internal inter-ethnic or separatist conflicts, international conflicts have also long affected the Ethiopian population. Somalia?s invasion of the Ogaden (today?s Somali region) in 1977, and the 1998-2000 border war with Eritrea triggered significant internal displacement, the latter conflict alone forcing around 300,000 people to flee their homes.

The EPRDF and ethnic federalism

During the 1980s, and not least as a consequence of the poor official response to the drought, regional opposition movements gained momentum while socialist-bloc support for the Dergue dried up. In 1991, a number of those opposition groups, led by the Tigray People?s Liberation Front (TPLF), toppled the government. The new ruling coalition of parties joined as the Ethiopian People?s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), under the central control of the TPLF, which maintains alliances with the ruling regional parties.

In an attempt to decentralise the rigid system it had inherited from the Dergue period, and in order to avoid secessionist movements, notably in the regions of Somali and Oromiya, the EPRDF engaged in a major reform process from 1991. Nine kilil or administrative regions were created and divided into zones, which were often named after the majority ethnic group. Each zone was further sub-divided into woredas (district councils) composed of a number of kebele (local councils) in urban neighbourhoods, or of peasant associations in rural areas. While many of those entities had already existed under the Dergue, the EPRDF?s devolution processes vested them with some degree of political and administrative autonomy.

The woreda is the focus of administrative and political action in the federal system. It is crucial to control a woreda to exercise political influence and to have a say in the centrally-steered taxation and distribution of funds and resources, including land, food aid, employment and documentation.

District and local authorities are generally either directly affiliated with, or allied to, the EPRDF, although the situation changed somewhat following the elections of May and November 2005, when opposition parties increased their representation in the national parliament from 12 seats to 172 and also in local government. The elections were marked by violent suppression of widespread protests against alleged vote-rigging by the EPRDF, and possibly led to the displacement of thousands of people.

The government?s reaction to the protests led several donors to divert financial support away from direct budgetary support to the central government, instead directly funding NGOs or local government bodies through the "Protection of Basic Services" mechanism. While donor governments have stopped aid transfer on several occasions in the past, such disruptions have never been sustained, consistent or coordinated.

The system of ethnic federalism, dividing Ethiopia into ethnically defined regions and zones, and channelling access to power and resources according to ethnic criteria, is quite unique in the world; it lends the strong central government a federalist face in a country which is home to approximately 80 different ethnicities. However, none of the administrative regions is ethnically homogenous, and the increasing migration of people within Ethiopia in recent years due to famine, economic hardship, resettlement and urbanisation has made the principle of ethnically-distinct zones increasingly difficult to realise and to sustain.

Competition for access to local and regional power structures appears to be increasing. Underlying this competition is a general scarcity of resources, including land, water, food and work opportunities. In a number of regions, older and more recent localised resource-based conflicts have taken on a more ethnic character, further encouraging the activities of armed secessionist movements such as the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF). Other groups, like the Somali Sheikash clan, strive for access to political representation.

Sources

Cultural Survival Quarterly, 31 December 1987, Steingraber: Resettlement and Villagization - Tools of Militarization in SW Ethiopia

Ethiopian National Congress, 24 July 2005, Repression in rural Ethiopia

Human Rights Watch (HRW), 13 January 2006, Hidden crackdown in rural areas

Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN), 14 November 2005, Ethiopia: Donors concerned over political unrest

U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS), 6 March 2007, Ethiopia Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 2006

Conflict-displacement in the context of displacement due to natural disasters, resettlement and economic migration (Special Report 2007)

http://www.internal-displacement.org/idmc/website/countries.nsf/(httpEnvelopes)/54EBFEE1668DB174C1257371002B02B2?OpenDocument

Special Report: Natural disasters as a cause of displacement

While this report mainly focuses on conflict-induced displacement, the dimension of displacement due to natural disasters cannot be seen as a completely separate issue. As a result of these natural hazards, the culture of sharing scarce resources is often being tested to its limits and resource-triggered conflicts are on the rise. Oxfam, February 2005; UN OCHA, Pastoralist Communication Initiative, 2007. Furthermore, the distinction between economic migration and displacement due to natural disasters is often hazy. Where people need to leave their homes in search of food and work, there clearly is an element of involuntariness involved. Large-scale resettlement programmes intending to manage food scarcity must also be seen in this context of very complex interactions of different population movements.

People directly displaced by natural disasters are often assisted better than conflict IDPs. Their main problems, such as successful reintegration and reconstruction of livelihoods, are to a large extent due to a gap between humanitarian and development assistance.

Ethiopia?s south and east, particularly Somali and South Oromiya regions, and increasingly Afar region, are chronically food-insecure and regularly affected by drought and floods. As of mid-2007, parts of Ethiopia (particularly in Oromiya region) had received below-average rainfall and were facing shortages of water and pasture land. Then, during August and September, Amhara, Afar, Gambella, SNNPR, Somali, Tigray and Oromiya regions were hit by floods, affecting over 220,000 people and leading, according to UN OCHA, to the displacement to temporary shelters of over 70,000 people.

These floods hit the country less than a year after the devastating floods of 2006, which had temporarily displaced some 600,000 people. DPPA Flood Impact Assessment, 2007, expected to be published on the DPPA website: www.dppc.gov.et. Most of them returned home within weeks, with the notable exception of some 4,000 flood-displaced people in Dire Dawa, whose original dwellings were too close to the river bed, and who were awaiting government-built housing in a camp set up for them. The living conditions of the Dire Dawa IDPs, visited in February 2007, were good, and social services well organised and accessible to all. Less than half of them were able to move to their new homes in the course of 2007, while the others continued to wait for new housing.

Most IDPs displaced by the 2000 and 2003 droughts in Somali Region have returned to their areas of origin, with the exception of the Fafen and Hartisheik camp residents. Because not all return movements proved economically sustainable, the reintegration of the returnees remains challenging, despite exceptionally good rains in 2007. The current activities of the Ethiopian army in parts of Somali region further seriously impact on their opportunities for trade and access to food and water.

Resettlement programmes and economic migration

The current situations of conflict-induced internal displacement should be seen in the context of broader population movements, because economic migration and resettlement programmes also influence the composition and cohabitation of populations, as well as the stability of regions.

In early 2003, as part of its National Food Security Programme, the Ethiopian government launched a new resettlement programme, intending to resettle 2.2 million people, or 440,000 households, from the chronically food-insecure highlands to more fertile agricultural lowland areas within three years. The resettlement programme was planned for four regions: Tigray, Oromiya, Amhara and SNNPR, and implemented in three phases of 100,000, 150,000 and 190,000 households each. Potential resettlers were identified during awareness-raising campaigns at both the woreda and kebele levels, and host woredas were identified based on the availability of arable land. In an attempt to mitigate resentment by the host community and to ease the transition, basic infrastructure (such as health services, water supply, primary schools and roads) was to be established, and the people resettled were to receive an eight-month food ration.

The government suggested that the scheme was successful and mostly led to self-sufficiency, and that past failures had been due to uncontrolled self-resettlement. Other reports suggest that resettlement was often experienced as a heavy burden. Critics said the programme did not always respect four core principles: the resettlement was not always voluntary, the land allocated was not always suitable for planting, host communities were not always properly consulted, and the resettlees were not always properly prepared. It was said that in certain cases the resettlement led to severe malnutrition, as the highlanders were not accustomed to the agricultural techniques required in the lowlands. A considerable number of resettled people eventually had to move on, this time unassisted. As mentioned above, past resettlement programmes, particularly the large-scale resettlements under the Dergue government in the 1980s, were fraught with problems and caused widespread suffering.

One interviewee said that the radical changes in demographic equilibrium induced by resettlement programmes and economic migration should be taken into account more in federal planning. For example, Gambella?s neighbour region to the north, Benishangul Gumuz, is confronted with similar demographic issues as Gambella. The region, fertile and sparsely populated, faces a looming crisis: in 1994, only 55 per cent of the inhabitants were indigenous, and since then, large numbers of people moving in from other regions have become a source of growing concern for the regional government. Informal resettlement and economic migration, including urban migration, could also have a destabilising effect. Development-related displacement could do the same, for example in Afar where a big dam for irrigation has reduced the land for the Afar people, or where the creation of national parks as tourist attractions has forced people out of their home area.

Sources

BBC News, 19 January 2005, Talking Point with PM Meles Zenawi

Cultural Survival Quarterly, 31 December 1987, Steingraber: Resettlement and Villagization - Tools of Militarization in SW Ethiopia

Ethiopian Herald, 19 March 2006, State begins resettling 10,000 peasant households

Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations (FAO) and World Food Programme (WFP), 24 February 2006, FAO crop and food assessment mission to Ethiopia

Forum for Social Studies, 2005, Understanding the dynamics of resettlement in Ethiopia

Government of Ethiopia and Humanitarian Partners, 12 February 2007, 2007 Humanitarian Appeal for Ethiopia

Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN), 28 August 2007, Flood survivors struggle one year on

Oxfam International, 28 February 2005, Livelihoods/Emergency Assessment in Afar Region

The Reporter, 24 December 2005, The case of resettlement program worth 1.9 billion

UN Country Team Ethiopia (UN CTE), February 2006, Focus on Ethiopia, February 2006

UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UN OCHA), 24 September 2007, Relief Bulletin

UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UN OCHA), 26 March 2007, Humanitarian Bulletin

UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UN OCHA), 15 August 2005, Ethiopia-OCHA: 15-Aug-05

Southern Sudan referendum: 'Massive vote to split'. BBC News

2011-01-21T15:19:00.000-08:00

Southern Sudan referendum: 'Massive vote to split'

With most votes counted in Southern Sudan's referendum, 99% of people have opted for independence from the north, officials say.

Official results are due next month but correspondents say the outcome of the week-long poll is not in doubt.

However, the former rebels now running oil-rich Southern Sudan have urged people not to celebrate yet.

President Omar al-Bashir has said he will accept the result of the vote, which was held after years of war.

The BBC's Peter Martell in Juba says this is the news many in the south have been waiting to hear - that the number of votes cast in favour of independence has passed the required 50%.

The results were published on a website published by the Southern Sudan Referendum Commission, and officials have confirmed they are genuine.

It says that 83% of votes in the south have been counted, along with 100% of those in the north and the eight foreign countries where polling was held.
Just 1.4% of people have voted for continued unity with the north.
More than 3m ballots have been counted so far, with several hundred thousands still to come.

Giant party

Southern Sudan Referendum Bureau spokesman Aleu Garang Aleu said counting should be finished on 31 January and final results announced on 14 February, after any appeals had been dealt with.

Our correspondent says southern leaders are waiting for these results to be declared and accepted by the north before the giant party being planned begins.
If the result is confirmed, the new country is set to formally declare its independence on 9 July.

The mainly Arabic-speaking, Muslim north has fought the south, where most are Christian or follow traditional religions, for most of Sudan's post-independence history.

In order for the referendum to be valid, more than 50% of voters must back secession and at least 60% of registered voters must take part.

Election officials have previously said that the 60% threshold had been passed.

After Sudan;World should Focus on Oromo

2011-01-19T16:07:00.000-08:00

By Kasembeli Albert

It has never known political stability after the colonial conquest and subjugation by Abyssinia. It has never enjoyed real prosperity in spite of being one of the richest nations in natural resources in the horn of Africa with a population estimated at 33 million. It is Africa’s longest political conflict that appears to have been forgotten by the international community including IGAD and Africa Union among others. It has won the unenviable accolade of being the cradle of the world’s largest forced mass movement from one country in modern African history, namely the current exodus from Ethiopia. Welcome to Oromia, the country of the Oromo people (375,000 square miles).

In the last four decades, the Horn of Africa, with Ethiopia as an epicenter, has experienced an unprecedented wave of refugee flows, resulting in large concentrations of displaced persons. Nearly all these displaced persons are from Ethiopia. Today there are an estimated over 10 million refugees originating from Ethiopia, second only to those from Afghanistan and Iraq put together.

The influx of Ethiopians fleeing their country to Kenya has always hit headlines in the local and internal press. Ironically, most are apprehended by Kenyan authorities and handed back to the Ethiopian authorities or locked up in Kenyan prisons. Some of the refugees are said to be on transit to South Africa.

The Oromo Liberation Front has for decades been embroiled in a protracted war for the liberation of the Oromia. The most striking aspect to political pundits and academics is the manner in which the international community has accorded the conflict a blind eye, and regional governments, IGAD and AU cannot explain why Ethiopians are fleeing their country in droves.

Who will save the Oromo people from institutionalized oppression and blatant abuse of basic human rights by the Addis Ababa government? What is the IGAD and the Africa Union doing to resolve the conflict? The 140 years of continuous acts of cultural genocide by successive Ethiopian regimes is a remarkable testimony to the resilience of the Oromo cultural values and democratic heritage.

Even as the international community remain silent in the face of the conflict that has claimed lives of millions of people, it is is important to note that as a geo-cultural bridge between Europe, Africa and Asia, the Horn of Africa has always been embroiled in some world-historic events, since the times of the Roman empire. The Horn remains important in security considerations of the Middle East and the increasingly competitive global economy.

It is important to observe that the current Ethiopian regime is being sustained in power by foreign western powers for imperialistic reasons. Take the case of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), also known as Wayyane, which was promoted in 1991 by foreign governments, particularly that of the US, to fill the power vacuum created by the downfall of the Dergue regime. As expected, this led to replacement of the Amhara regime by a Tigrean power as was evident to those familiar with the Ethiopian political landscape.

Under the pretext of opening the country for world market and democratization, traditional supporters and partners of the Ethiopian empire used the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to pump huge amounts of money into the coffer of TPLF. During the first four years of its rule, the regime received about US$3 billion in bilateral grants. The Paris Club member countries granted significant debt-cancellations and rescheduling. The TPLF regime used the multilateral and bilateral assistance to dismantle Amhara-centre state apparatus and to replace it by institutions that are nothing more than appendages of a tightly controlled party-apparatus of the Tigrean ruling class.

Today, there is no public institution, be it the military, the judiciary, the civil service, the regulatory agencies, and financial institutions outside the control of the TPLF and its surrogate parties. Thus, the regime cannot claim democratic legitimacy by any standard. Most disturbing are reports of Kenyan Borana Oromo near the border being harassed and imprisoned in Kenya. These incidents are violating international law regarding refugees. They could have been taken to Kenyan courts, if suspected of any crime.

The human rights crisis in Ethiopia is so worrying. No one seems to understand the scale of the violations. targeted and systematic tortures, disappearances and extrajudicial killings are common place in that country. There seems to be no hiding place for the victims of human rights violations under the current regime in Ethiopia. Peasants in certain areas are particularly targeted and expelled in broad day light from their farmlands for the sake of the officials and of TPLF-led government financial gains.

“The peoples of Oromia and Kenya share a longstanding cordial relationship. In particular, Kenya, as a democratic and stable country, continues to provide safety for a significant number of Oromo refugees fleeing from persecution by the Ethiopian state. However, it is of also of grave concern that recently, a large number of Oromo refugees have been handed over to the Ethiopian authorities by the Kenyan agents who have been recruited by the Addis Ababa spy network. More worrying is the fact that their operations are not sanctioned by the Kenyan government. These refugees are sent back to inhumane torture and certain death in the hands of the Ethiopian security agents,” says an OLF petition to Kenya’s President Mwai Kibaki.

The petition, copied to the country’s Prime Minister Raila Odinga further notes: “We believe Kenya could play a positive and constructive role in supporting a peaceful resolution of the conflict between Oromia and Ethiopia and that would make Kenya a legitimate player in the international arena. We respectfully urge you to appraise the situation and reconsider your policy and assure supporting the just cause of the oppressed Oromo people rather than assisting the bloodthirsty regime in Ethiopia."

In the recent months, Kenyans authorities have been accused of illegal rendition of Oromo refugees and Kenyans to Ethiopia under the pretext of cracking down on the Oromo Liberation Front (OLP) militias. While in Ethiopia, the individuals are arraigned before special courts where they are handed heavy jail sentences ranging from death to life in prison. The ORA has accused the Ethiopian government and some elements within the Kenyan government of gross violation of the basic human rights of the Oromo refugees and Kenyans shipped to Ethiopia.

The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) was established in 1973 by Oromo nationalists to promote the right to self-determination for the Oromo people against what they call "Ethiopia colonial rule." There are reports that the OLF has increased its activity following the general elections of 2005 and has offices in Washington, D.C. and Berlin.

The international community particularly IGAD and the AU ought to appreciate the fact that the fundamental objective of the Oromo liberation movement is to exercise the Oromo peoples' right to national self-determination and end centuries of oppression and exploitation by Ethiopian colonialism. The foreign policy of OLF stipulates that it respects the territorial integrity and national sovereignty of Kenya and all neighbouring countries. Kenya, the host state to the refugees has been accused of violating the 1951 UN Convention and 1967 Protocol on the status of the refugees for handing over the Oromos who have fled their homes to escape persecution.

It was through the initiative of IGAD, AU and the EU that a protracted peace deal was negotiated between SPLM and the Khartoum government, effectively putting an end to one of Africa’s longest conflict then. As the Southern Sudan people undertake a decision on the future of the nation through the referendum, it is important that the international community focus attention on the Oromo conflict to save the plight of the Oromia nation.

The Oromo people’s demand of self-determination is neither a question of secession from a country with whom they have willfully integrated nor a matter of a periphery struggling for decentralization or devolution of power from a central government. It is a demand by the Oromo people to restore the sovereignty taken away from them and to freely determine their own political status. This demand does not, therefore, violate the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Khartoum government. The Oromo people have never been meaningfully represented in Ethiopian political process. There has never been a moment in the political history of the Ethiopian empire-state when the state possessed a government representing the “whole people.”

Moreso, the Oromo people’s demand for self-determination is not an internal affair of Ethiopia. Many nations in the world including Kenya are shouldering the burden of refugees from the Ethiopia. UNHCR is spending millions of dollars to sustain refugees from Ethiopia. Much more too is spent on relocating some of the refugees to friendly countries in Europe. This indeed, makes the conflict a matter of interest and concern to the international community including regional bodies like IGAD, AU and relevant UN agencies. In the same vein, the liberation struggle of the Oromo people against successive Ethiopian regimes cannot be characterized as “an internal civil strife, banditry, terrorism, or civil war.” It is a struggle of people under alien domination.

What the international community must realize is that TPLF regime constantly fabricates false accusations to criminalize and demonise Oromo political organisations as a smokescreen to conceal the regime’s acts of genocide against Oromo social and cultural life. An attempt by the regime to link the Oromo liberation movement with fundamentalism and international terrorism is a fabrication to discredit and garner international community’s sympathy.

By Kasembeli Albert

Kasembeli Albert is the Editor, Business Journal Africa, a regional business and finance magazine.

Cushitization’ vs ‘Semitization’ of Ethiopia: A very dangerous dichotomy

2011-01-02T23:42:00.000-08:00

By Gumaa Guddaa
Fromo Oromo affairs

I read the article by Fayyis Oromia with some sense of disbelief. (“Read Here”)

The dichotomy between Cushitic and Sematic Ethiopia is naïve at best and malicious at worst. The enemies of the Oromo struggle have been doing their best to misrepresent the Oromo quest for independence as anti-Semitic movement and have actually succeeded to some degree. I do not think it is up to an Oromo to assist this by falsely claiming that the Oromo should struggle to re-Cushitize Ethiopia unless one has completely lost his marbles.

It is true the Oromo belong to the Cushitic speaking group. It is also true that the Tigre and Amhara belong to the Semitic speaking group. However, let it be known that this dichotomy is not the cause of the Oromo struggle. In fact, I have never read or heard this being the basis of the struggle over the past 40 years. It did not appear in our discourse because it is a taboo subject but there is no logic to it. Let us be clear that this sort of fantasy has no place in the Oromo world view. It is totally alien to our thinking the reason why we struggle that it is difficult to recognize.

The Semitic speaking Tigre and Amhara elite have rallied most western Ethiophile academia and scholars to campaign against us due to this misguided misapprehension. I am speechless that Mr Fayyis Oromia is either unaware of this fact or actively engaged in justifying the myth that already exits. To appear intellectual without being one has this sort of danger. To pretend to be a thinker without thinking is diabolical.

It appears that the Shanee ideologues are shaken to the core by the clear articulation of the objective and vision of the Oromo struggle for freedom by Mr Galassa Dilbo in his recent interview with an Oromo journalist Mr Jalil. (“Listen Here”)

Mr Fayyis Oromia suggests that the Asmara Group should struggle for re-Cushitization of Ethiopia. In the past he argued they should democratize Ethiopia. What is unclear is that whether re-Cushitization is ethnic cleansing or not. It certainly borders on racism.

Mr Fayyis also mixes dangerous cocktail of religious and racial differences in proposing the basis for his suggestion for his idea. He tries to suggest Waaqaa religion will counter Judaism and Orthodox Christianity. Waaqaa religion is the minority religion in Oromia itself let alone Ethiopia. The Oromo people are by and large followers of the two main religions of Christianity and Islam, in almost estimated equal proportion. He stated that these two religions are being liberalised by the Cushitic influence. Mr Fayyis says nothing about the Semitic version of these religions. Are they not liberal too?

In the past Mr Fayyis had forcefully argued that globalization has changed our world and no need for talking about differences. Therefore, I do not think we can take him seriously at all.

What is amazing is that Mr Fayyis claims the Abyssinian position is antithesis. However, his position is rather antithesis to the Oromo position. The Oromo rightfully lay claim to Oromia. Fayyis claims not only the whole of Ethiopia but Sudan, Egypt and Kenya. Totally absurd concept. His proposal is simply so far fetched and impractical not worthy of spending time on discussing.

Mr Fayyis Oromia’s article is difficult to follow. It is all over the place. On the one hand he suggests that the struggle should be two against one. Well, it has been two against one so far. The two Sematic speaking Tigre and Amhara against the one Cushitic speaking Oromo. He fails to understand that the former two have successfully already Semitized Ethiopia over the past 150 year. Mr Fayyis suggests that the combination of Oromo and Amhara will Cushitize Ethiopia. He did not say if he considers anyone out of power automatically turns to be Cushitic. The two Sematic speaking will benefit forming alliance rather than allowing themselves being split by the Cushitic speaking Oromo, wouldn’t they?

Like Mr. Fayyis Oromia appear to think Cushitic centric history is truth his Abyssinian counter parts also unshakably believe what he calls myth as historical and religious facts. He asserts “…getting rid of the myths like the rhetoric about the Solomonic dynasty and the fiction about ‘Ze Negede-Yihuda’ …” will be a solution. An impossible task. At any rate no business of the Oromo. People should respect the culture and history of others, be it fact or fiction, unless you are a racist.

The incontrovertible historical fact is that a country called Oromia was annexed by another country called Abyssinia. This has nothing to do with Semitization or Cushitization. The Oromo struggle is a national liberation struggle to regain the lost sovereignty of Oromia. Any self-respecting Oromo will respect people with Semitic heritage as well as those with Cushitic heritage equally.

I would like to think Mr Fayyis Oromia’s views are his. I am equally curious if the Asmara Group (A.K.A Shanee, the Daawud Ibsaa Group) will now be going to talk about re-Cushitization for the next decade. I pray not.

Dhaamsa Waggaa Haaraa ABO 2011

2011-01-01T08:10:00.000-08:00

OROMO LIBERATION FRONT
Guyyaa: 1 Amajjii 2011 Lakko. 001/ABO/2011

Dhaamsa Waggaa Haaraa – 2011

Hayyu Duree Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo Irraa

Jaallatamoota ilmaan Oromoo martinuu!

Maqaa dhaaba keenya Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo (ABO) tiin dursee baga nagaan waggaa haaraa 2011 geessan jedha.

Barri 2010 seenaa qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo keessatti bara qabsoon ummatni keenya bilisummaa isaaf geggeessuu gulantaa tokkoo irraa gara gulantaa ol aanaatti tarkaanfate ta’u kan mirkaneessuu fi injifatnooleen jajjaboon kan keessatti galmaawan ture.

Qabsoo bifa adda addaan geggeeffamaa jiru dabalatee waggaa dabre kana keessa Waranni Bilisummaa Oromoo (WBOn) tarkaanfilee cululuqaa nyaapha Oromiyaa saamaa jiru irratti fudhataa jiru ragaa qabatamaa dha.

WBOn shira keessaa fi alaan diinonni qabsichaa xaxan hunda injifatnoon keessa hulluuqee milkiilee jajjaboo galmeessuu danda’un jabina qabsoo haqaa ummatni Oromoo geggeessaa jiruu ti. Injifatnoon WBOn diina irratti galmeessaa jiru kun wareegama lubbuu qabsa’ota qaqqaaliin argame.

Dhaabni keenya qabsoo hidhannootiin of haaromsee mootummaa garboonfataa Wayyaanee irratti tarkaanfilee WBOn fudhataa jiru kan diina rifaasisee fi kanneen qabsoon hidhannoo hin danda’amu jedhanis dhara isaanii saaxila baase dha.

Jaallan hedduun diina waliin falama gochaa jiran bilisummaa ummata Oromoo fi biyya isaanii kabajamtu Oromiyaa argamsiissuuf wareegama lubbuu fi hir’ina qaamaa kafalan hunda kabajaa jaalluummaan yaadanna. Wareegamni isaaniis akkasumaan akka hin taane kaayyoon isaan kufaniif akka galma isaa gahu of qusannoo tokko malee akka qabsoo finiinsinee Oromiyaa bilisoomsinu irbuu keenya haaromsina.

Wareegamni ummatni keenya WBO cina dhaabbatuun baasaa jiru kan ragaasisu qabsoon kun kan haqaa fi qabsoo mirgaa ta’u isaa qofa osoo hin taane mootummaan Wayyaanee qabeenyaa biyya keenyaa saamuun waraana mataa isaa hidhachiisee akkasuma mootummaa biiyya olla illee daboo kadhatee dhaaba keenya irratti duula walirraa hin citne oofaa jiraatus ABOn dagaagaa jiraachuu isin dhageesisuu danda’uf gammachuun koo dacha dha.

Ummatni keenya dhuunfaa alagaa jala jirus ta’e kan biyya ambaattii argamu daddaaqinsa malee qabsoo bilisummaa biyya keenyaaf deggeersi hamilee, yaadaa, meeshaa fi maallaqaa dhaaba keenyaaf kennaa jiru heedduu kan itti boonnuu fi jajjabeessaa dha.

Mootummaan Wayyaanee ummata keenya lafa isaa irraa buqqisee lafa Oromoo fi bosona Oromiyaa gatii rakashaan gurgurataa jira. Haallii kun kan addeessu ummata keenyaa lafa irraa duguuguuf mootummaan alagaa sagantaa yeroo dheeraa qabaataa ture galmaan gahachuuf hidhatee boba’u isaa ti.

Kanaaf, ani Oromoo dha kan ofiin jedhu hundi dhaaba keenya ABO cina dhaabbatuun diina kana yeroo gabaabaa keessatti of irraa fonqolchuuf wareegama barbaachisu akka godhu waamicha lammuummaa goonaaf.

Dhaabota maqaa ABO himatan hunda kaayyoo ganamaa kan mootummaa walaba Oromiyaa dhaabanii iggitii ittigochuu jalatti gurmaawanii akka qabsoo fuuldura tarkaanfachiisan taasisuuf Mudde 2008 waamicha gochuun keenya ni yadatama. Gartuuleen ABO ofiin jedhan hundi gaafatama kana bakkaan gahuuf ABO deebifne dhinsuu fi humneessuu walakkeessa godhannee haasaa fi marii jalqabnee yoo jiraanne illee shafisaan akka hawwamutti hin xumuratin jirra. Waggaa haaraa kana keessa maree jalqabamee jirru bifa tokkoon ni xumurra jennee abdanna. Kayyoo ganamaa dhaaba keenyaa ABO bu’uura taasifachuun tokkummaa argamuuf qabsoo gonuus wagga kanas akka itti fufnu mirkaneessina.

Garaagarummaa xixiqqaa fi kanneen diinni tahe jedhee amantii fi kutaan ummata keenya adda ciruuf yaalaa jiru diduun ummatni keenya tokkuummaa isaa yoom illee caalaa tikfatuu akka qabu yaadachiifna. Haqa jiru dhoksuuf kanneen maqaa Oromoo himataa rakkoo hin jirre ummuuf ummata keenya keessa walshakkii facaasuuf carraaqan hundas dalagaa fokkataa akkana irraa dhaabbatuu akka qaban hubachiifna. Garaagarummaa ilaalcha siyaasaa bifuma siyaasaatiin fixachuuf qophii ta’un bilchina horachuu akka qabnu kabajaan yaadachiisuu feena. Karaan bilisummaa qabsoo finiinsuu qofa akka ta’es irra deebiin hubachiifna.

Maquma dhaaba keenyaa himachuun diina biyya nu sarbee waanjoo garbummaa nu irratti fe ’ee jiru lafatti dhiisanii kanneen dhiiga qabsa’ota Oromoo dhangalaasaa jiran hundi qawwee isaanii gara lammii keenyaatti otoo hintaane gara diinaatti akka galagalchan yaadachiifna.

Gama kaaniin dhaabotni siyaasaa Oromoo kanneen walabummaa Oromiyaaf qabsaawan hundinuu walitti dhufeenya qabnu gara tumsa hojii waliin tolfatuuf dandeettii keenya walitti qindeessuun ayyinaa fi dandeettii qabsichaa dagaagsuun bilisummaa as dhiheessuun dirqama.

Yeroo dinnii alaa fi keessaan dandii walabummaa Oromoo waltajjii qabsoo irraa haquuf shira ol aanaa geggeessaa jiru kana keessatti humnootni dhugumaan walabummaa biyyaaf dhaabbanne jedhan akka duraaniitti itti fufuun bu’aa isaa irra balaa isaatu madaala jenna. Kanaaf, gama keenyaan akkuma kanaan duraa waan nu irraa eegamu gumaachuuf qophii dha. Carraa kanatti gargaaramuun maree fi hariiroo gidduu keenya jiru akka jabeessinuuf waamicha isiniif dhiheessina.
Waggaa haaraan 2011 kun kan nagaa, milkii fi injifatnoon qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo itti mirkana’u akka ta’u hawwii koo ti.
Oromiyaan ni bilisoomti!

Dhugaasaa Bakakkoo

Dhugaasaa Bakakkoo Hayyu Duree ABO
Madda:- Oromoliberationfront.info

Baga Waggaa haaraan isin ga'e.

2010-12-31T04:11:00.000-08:00

Disappearance of factions’ leader in Eritrea:

2010-12-20T23:33:00.000-08:00

As well known, Eritrean government has organised and stationed Ethiopian People’s Patriotic Front (EPPF) for the past ten years. According to Ethiopian review, one of the founders of EPPF, Tadesse Muluneh is disappeared in Eritrea.

There are also some others Ethiopian opposition and Liberation front obscured in Eritrea. OLF faction lead by Mr. Daud Ibsa and defected TPLF General Kamal Galchu are some of the groups stationed in Eritrea. It is unclear for how long and for what purpose they are staying over there, in such comportment.

Now according to the Ethiopian review EPPF is not the only group that is currently facing problem in Eritrea. Defected Mr. Kamal Galchu TPLF General has also been placed under a virtual house arrest. Hundreds of his followers that are stationed in Eritrea have been immobilized.

According to some analysts Mr. Esayas is not interested to help those oppositions stationed in Asmara. But he is only to use them as a tool to enforce TPLF to bring them to the negotiation table. It is also with ambition of forming puppet leaders under the title called “One Ethiopia” that could keep the old and weak Empire to exploit as the previous years.

In an interview he gave to Eritrean media on June 10, 2007 and published in “One Ethiopia” magazine, Isaias declared “It is our persistent stands to strive for a united Ethiopia.” He dreams about good relationship with good leader of that he is going to build in the future.

As of this point indicates, on a magazine produced and distributed by Mr Esayas and Co.ilustrates, map of the Ethiopian empire was adorned with green, yellow and red colour.

So could Mr. Esayas Afewerik‘s action gives us a good lesson?

To read more from the resource :- www.ethiopianreview.com

"Assistance to Ethiopia's government has increased while its human rights record has deteriorated," HRW

2010-12-17T08:29:00.000-08:00

Donors Should Investigate Misuse of Aid Money! HRW
Source: Human Rights Watch (HRW)

Date: 17 Dec 2010

National Parliaments and Audit Institutions Should Demand Accountability

(New York, December 17, 2010) – Ethiopia's international donors should independently investigate allegations that its government is using development aid for state repression, Human Rights Watch said today in a letter to the Development Assistance Group, a coordinating body of 26 foreign donor institutions for Ethiopia.

In interviews with 200 people across Ethiopia, Human Rights Watch documented in a report released in October 2010 how Ethiopian government officials routinely discriminate against people viewed as political opposition supporters. The report demonstrated how the government uses state resources, including programs financed by large international donors, to suppress political dissent by conditioning access to essential services on support for the ruling party.

"Donor governments should open an independent investigation of the Ethiopian government's manipulation of aid," said Rona Peligal, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. "Donor governments have a responsibility to taxpayers at home – as well as to Ethiopians in need – to ensure their aid is not contributing to human rights violations."

The Development Assistance Group (DAG) released a joint statement on October 21 responding to Human Rights Watch's 105-page report, "Development without Freedom: How Aid Underwrites Repression in Ethiopia." The donors' group denied that political manipulation of aid was widespread, stating: "We do not concur with the conclusions of the recent HRW report regarding widespread, systematic abuse of development aid in Ethiopia. Our study did not generate any evidence of systematic or widespread distortion."

Human Rights Watch said that the Development Assistance Group provided insufficient basis for its disagreement with the report's findings. The donors have not begun an independent investigation of the abuses. The study referred to in their statement, a desk-based analysis of the monitoring mechanisms of four aid programs commissioned in early 2010, was an "exploratory" assessment, which noted that field research would be needed to verify how the monitoring works in practice.

"Donors can't know the extent of abuses if they haven't properly investigated," Peligal said. "National parliaments should demand a credible, comprehensive investigation and, ultimately, a thorough review of aid policy toward Ethiopia."

Human Rights Watch has not called for the suspension of all development programs, but instead urged donors to suspend certain governance programs until critical benchmarks – like the repeal of repressive laws – are met. These include the Democratic Institutions Program, which provides funding and technical support to government institutions, such as the parliament, in an effort to build domestic accountability. Donors should not continue to finance these programs in the absence of the independent institutions, media, and civil society that are critical for accountability, Human Rights Watch said.

"Assistance to Ethiopia's government has increased while its human rights record has deteriorated," Peligal said. "Donors are contradicting their own principles on human rights and good governance by increasing funding without adequate safeguards."

read more from:- http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2010/12/17/ethiopia-donors-should-investigate-misuse-aid-money

OLF Letter to the President of Kenya

2010-12-16T12:45:00.000-08:00

ADDA BILISUMMAA OROMOO

OROMO LIBERATION FRONT

Date: 07/12/2010

His Excellency The Honourable Mwai Kibaki, C.G.H., M.P.
President of the Republic of Kenya
Office of the President
Harambee House
Harambee Avenue
P.O.Box 62345 - 00200
Nairobi
Kenya

Your Excellency,

We the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) are alarmed to learn the recent full-fledged military campaign by Kenyan armed forces against our organisation. We are particularly concerned that Kenyan forces joined the occupying Ethiopian forces fighting against the OLF.

Whilst we recognise that Kenya has the right to enforce peace and security within its territory, we are unable to understand the reasons why Kenyan armed forces are engaged in a military campaign against our forces. Although Kenyan authorities have been repeatedly quoted by the media, saying the objective of their military campaign is “flashing the OLF from the country”, as a justification for their aggression against us, we would like to reassure you that we have no bases on Kenyan soil and fully respect the territorial integrity of Kenya.

We believe that military confrontation between Kenya and the OLF is not in the best interest of either of our countries. In fact, the actions of the Kenyan forces are uncalled for and can destabilise the region that is already troubled by a number of long standing conflicts. We do not understand why Kenya should involve itself in the struggle between Oromia and Ethiopia and we hope that this is not your policy. We hope that your government will respect the rights of the Oromo people to free themselves from the brutal Ethiopian colonial system. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which your country is a signatory, reaffirms the right to self-determination.

The peoples of Oromia and Kenya share a longstanding cordial relationship. In particular, Kenya, as a democratic and stable country, continues providing safety for a significant number of Oromo refugees fleeing from persecution by the Ethiopian state. However, we are also gravely concerned that recently a large number of Oromo refugees have been handed over to the Ethiopian authorities by the Kenyan authorities. These refugees are sent back to inhumane torture and certain death in the hands of the Ethiopian security agents.

We believe Kenya could play a positive and constructive role in supporting a peaceful resolution of the conflict between Oromia and Ethiopia and that would make Kenya a legitimate player in the international arena.

We respectfully urge you to appraise the situation and reconsider your policy and assure supporting the just cause of the oppressed Oromo people rather than assisting the bloodthirsty regime in Ethiopia.

Yours respectfully,

Mulugeta Mosissa
Head of Diplomatic Division of the OLF

cc: Hon. Raila Amollo Odinga, E.G.H., M.P. Prime Minster of the Republic of Kenya
P.O.Box 21762, Washington DC, 20009, USA Tel: (202)-521-5653
E-mail: waajjira@oromoliberationfront.info

Source: www.oromoliberationfront.info

Kenya: Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa/HRLHA Urgent Action and Appeal

2010-12-11T03:54:00.000-08:00

Police Crackdown on Refugees in Nairobi, Kenya

Fear of Deportations and Tortures

The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) has learnt through its correspondents that, in a severe crackdown that has been going on in Nairobi Kenya since the 4th of December, the Kenyan police have arrested more than 700 refugees who are originally from neighbouring Horn of African countries and have been in Nairobi for varying lengths of time.

The crackdown that has discriminately targeted refugees is taking place following two separate grenade attacks that happened a week ago in Nairobi in which three police officers were killed. It has also been claimed that the crackdown is a part of measures being taken to make the upcoming holiday celebrations and festivities free of violence and attacks. The big question is, be it due to the said grenade attacks or the upcoming holidays, why the crackdown specifically targeted the homeless and defenseless refugees only.

The Kenyan Police have admitted that they have arrested 346 people whom they describe as foreigners. HRLHA has confirmed that 52 of those arrestees are refugees from Ethiopia, while the majority of the rest are Somali refugees. The refugees where picked up from on the streets, restaurants, hotels, and from their temporary shelters, and then were forced on to police trucks, according to HRLHA correspondent in Nairobi.

Among the many Ethiopian Oromos who have been taken into custody from the Capital, Nairobi, HRLHA has managed to obtain the names of the following:

1 .Ifa jireenyaa
2. Tofik Aliyi
3. Dr Bishaan member of ormo community committee
4. Haji abduraman member of ormo community committee
5. Kadir member of ormo community committee
6. Guyyo Biqaa
7. Edin Waaqoo
8.Areero Meegaa
9.Najibo
10.Ashrafu Ali
11.Mariya Abdalla
12.Abdulaxif Amiyuu and many other whose names are not yet Known

Background Information

Previously, the Kenyan Government deported many refugees of Ethiopian Oromo and Somali origin at different times to their respective homelands in breaching the international refugees’ rights agreements. Some of those deportees have been subjected to severe punishment including death sentence and life in prison.

Besides, the Ethiopian government has a well-documented record of gross and flagrant violations of human rights, including the torturing of its own citizens who were involuntarily returned to the country. The government of Ethiopia routinely imprisons such persons and in some cases sentences them to long terms in prison. Some face the harshest punishment including death penalty. Ethiopia currently has two former refugees, Engineer Mesifn Abebe and Mr. Tesfahun Chemeda, who were given death sentences and awaiting execution after being arrested similarly by the Kenyan police in Nairobi, Kenya and deported to Ethiopia in 2008. There have been credible reports of physical and psychological abuses committed against individuals in Ethiopian prisons and other secret places of detention.

HRLHA has a profound belief that the two countries – Kenya and Ethiopia – are acting jointly in hunting, arresting and punishing alleged members and/or supporters of opposition political organizations and human rights activists. The obligation that a country should not return a refuge to the country they have fled, which is also a principle of customary international law, applies to both asylum seekers and refugees, as affirmed by UNHCR’s Executive Committee and the United Nations General Assembly.

By handing over the Ethiopian and Somali refugees to their respective governments, the Kenyan Government is breaching its obligations under international treaties as well as customary laws.

Under the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (1465 U.N.T.S. 185), the Kenyan Government has the obligation not to return a person to a place where they are likely to face torture or ill-treatment. Article 3 of the Convention against Torture provides that:
1. No state party shall expel, return (“refouler”) or extradite a person to another state where there are substantial grounds to believe that they would be in danger of being subjected to torture.

2. For the purpose of determining whether there are such grounds, the competent authorities shall take into account all relevant considerations including, where applicable, the existence in the state concerned of a consistent pattern of gross, flagrant or mass violations of human rights.

Due to these and other similar facts, HRLHA is highly concerned about the fate of those arrested refugees. Therefore, HRLHA calls upon regional and international humanitarian and diplomatic communities and agencies to approach and pressurize the Kenyan Government to disclose the whereabouts and the current situations of those refugees, and also refrain from deporting them. HRLHA also calls upon those same agencies and communities to exert pressure on the Horn of African countries to refrain from becoming tools of authoritarian regimes and instead respect the rights of refugees to safety and protection according the regional and international refugees rights agreements.

RECOMMENDED ACTION: Please send appeals to the Kenyan Government and its concerned officials as swiftly as possible, in English, Kiswahili, or your own language expressing:

concern at the apprehension and fear of deportation of the refugees who are being held in detention since December 4, 2010, and calling for their immediate and unconditional release;
urging the authorities to ensure that these detainees are treated in accordance with regional and international standards on the treatment of prisoners.

APPEALS TO:

Ministry of States for Provincial Adminstration and Internal Security
Hon. Pof. George Saitoti, E.G.H., M.P.,
Harambee House, Harambee Avenue
P.O. Box 30510, Nairobi
Tel. 02 227411
Telegrams: “RAIS”
Website: officeofthepresident.go.ke

Commissioner of Police
Mr. Mathew Kirai Iteere MGH,CBS
Kenya Police Headquarters,
Vigilance House, Harambee Avenue,
PO Box 30083, Nairobi Kenya.
Tel;- 02 341411/6/8

Copies
President and Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces
His Excellency the Hon. Mwai Kibaki C.G.H., M.P
Harambee House, Harambee Avenue
P.O. Box 30510, Nairobi
Tel. 02 227411
Telegrams: “RAIS”
Website: officeofthepresident.go.ke

Prime Minister
Hon. Raila Amollo Odinga., M.P
Email; info@primeminester.go.ke
Tel;-254-20-252299
This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it

Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights
United Nations Office at Geneva
1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland
Fax: + 41 22 917 9022
(particularly for urgent matters)
E-mail: tb-petitions@ohchr.org This e-mail address is being protected from spambots.

UNHCR main office Geneva, Switzerland.
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
Case Postale 2500
CH-1211 Genève 2 Dépôt
Suisse. telephone number: +41 22 739 8111 begin_of_the_skype_highlighting +41 22 739 8111 end_of_the_skype_highlighting
African Commission on Human and Peoples‘ Rights (ACHPR)

48 Kairaba Avenue, P.O.Box 673, Banjul,
The Gambia.
Tel: (220) 4392 962 , 4372070, 4377721 – 23
Fax: (220) 4390 764
E-mail: achpr@achpr.org
U.S. Department of State

Tom Fcansky – Foreign Affairs Officer
Email;-TOfcansky@aol.com>
Washington, D.C. 20037
Tel: +1-202-261-8009 begin_of_the_skype_highlighting +1-202-261-8009 end_of_the_skype_highlighting
Fax: +1-202-261-8197
Amnesty International – London

Tom Gibson
Telephone: +44-20-74135500 begin_of_the_skype_highlighting +44-20-74135500 end_of_the_skype_highlighting
Fax number: +44-20-79561157
Email;- TGibson@amnesty.orgThis e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it

• Human Rights Watch – New York, Tel: +1-212-290-4700 begin_of_the_skype_highlighting +1-212-290-4700 end_of_the_skype_highlighting
Fax:+1-212-736-1300
Email: hrwnyc@hrw.org

ORA appeals to international and local human rights to investigate the ongoing renditon of Oromo refugees from Kenya to Ethiopia against Inter. laws

2010-12-09T08:35:00.000-08:00

Mr. Terfa Dibaba, head of the Oromo Relief Association (ORA), appeals to international and local human rights agents to investigate the ongoing rendition of Oromo refugees from Kenya to Ethiopia against international laws.

Source: africanexecutive.com

In the recent past, the rendition of Oromo refugees has been in the news. Kenyan authorities have been accused of illegal rendition of Oromo refugees to Ethiopia under the pretext of cracking down on the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) militias. While in Ethiopia, the individuals are allegedly arraigned before special courts where they are handed heavy jail sentences ranging from death to life in prison.

The fundamental objective of the Oromo liberation movement is to exercise the Oromo peoples' right to national self-determination and end centuries of oppression and exploitation. The OLF believes the Oromo people are still being denied their fundamental rights by Ethiopian colonialism. According to Terfa Dibaba, head of the Oromo Relief Association (ORA)based in Germany, 21 Oromo refugees have been adducted in Nairobi and Moyale and illegally shipped to Addis Ababa where they have been locked in custody.

Kenya, the host state to the refugees has been accused of violating the 1951 UN Convention and 1967 Protocol on the status of the refugees. According to the Convention, refugees are people who have fled their homes and crossed an international border to escape persecution or conflict.

The Kenya government officials however maintain that those arrested were Oromo Liberation Front militias. According to Francis Kimemia, Internal Security Permanent Secretary, OLF is a gang proscribed in Kenya. However, only a section of refugees have been targeted for illegal repatriation.

“We are demanding that the due process of extradition be put through a court of law,” cautions Dibaba, who blames the entire operation to a section of individuals within the Kenyan government who are operating in cahoots with Ethiopian spy agents. According to the Association, two Nairobi based civil engineers Mesfir Ababa and Tesfahun Camada, were adducted in Nairobi and flown to Ethiopia where they were sentenced to death and to life in prison respectively.

The accusation comes in the wake of a similar backlash after the Kenyan government came under heavy criticism by human rights organization for illegally handing over Kenyans to Ugandan authorities over a bomb blast in Kampala during the recent FIFA World Cup games. The Kenyans were linked to the incident but shipped to Uganda without the due extradition process.

The ORA accuses the Ethiopian government and some elements within the Kenyan government of gross violation of the basic human rights of the Oromo refugees and Kenyans shipped to Ethiopia. Some of the people abducted in Nairobi and Moyale and clandestinely whisked to Ethiopia nad languishing in jail include: Jatani Kuuno, Liban Wario and Milki Doyo. These, ORA alleges, were abducted in a friend’s house in Moyale on August 23 by kenyans enlisted by the Ethiopia authorities and ferried in two Kenya government’s Land Rovers to Ethiopia. Dabaso Kutu, Libani Jatani and Deban Wario were arrested on November 2. They are currently on trial in Ethiopia. Impeccable source have confided that a Kenyan, Abrhim Dambi, the head of the head of Ethiopian Spy network detailed to track down political dissidents has now fled to Addis Ababa where he is hosted by the government after he was exposed.

Accusing both governments of violating the fundamental rights of its citizens, ORA has appealed to local and international human rights agents to investigate the incarceration Mrs Kalla Dakate, 80 years old, with her daughter and 19 other Kenyans being held in Sololo Prison for ostensibly being sympathizers of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). They have been tortured and beaten in prison.

The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) was established in 1973 by Oromo nationalists to promote the right to self-determination for the Oromo people against what they call "Ethiopia colonial rule." It has been outlawed and labeled as a terrorist organization by the Ethiopian government.

However, some observers claim that the OLF has not committed any terrorist act so far. There are reports that the OLF has increased its activity following the general elections of 2005. The OLF has offices in Washington, D.C. and Berlin. Pundits question how OLF could be declared gang while at the same time the Kenya government has embraced the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) till a peace deal was brokered. It is clear that the Oromo row is now the longest liberation war in the region, which appears to have been forgotten.

There is a contradiction in what the government officials say. If indeed, those arrested are criminal gangs, why are they not being arraigned in a court of law instead of being clandestinely smuggled out and handed over to the Addis Ababa government? It is worth noting that in 1991 then President Daniel Moi invited the OLF rank and file in Nairobi. After the parley, the OLF has had a friendly relationship with the Kenyan government. This brings to the fore the question of who the Oromo people and their vanguard political organization the OLF are.

Oromo people are the largest Kushitic group and the second largest nation in Africa. Their population is more than half of the population of the Ethiopian empire. Today, the population of Oromo people is more than 40 million. Oromo people have distinct cultural and linguistic identity of their own. They have inhabited a separate and well defined territory in the Horn of Africa for many centuries.

Their country is called Oromia. It is 600,000 square km in size in Ethiopia. It is larger than France, Italy, Switzerland, Belgium and Netherlands combined together. The Oromo predominately follow three major religions: Islam, Christianity and Indigenous Oromo religion. Before the occupation of their land by Ethiopian empire toward the last quarter of the 19th century, Oromo people lived under democratic political system called Gadaa.

After resisting a military campaign of Ethiopian empire led by Menelik for many years, the Oromo were defeated and made part of Ethiopia not by their consent but by force. It is widely believed that Oromo people’s democratic tradition under Gadaa system has contributed a lot to modern democracy. Oromia borders the Republic of Kenya in the South, Somalia in the South East, in the North Ethiopia and Sudan in the West.

The birth of OLF

Oromia is the richest part of Ethiopian empire. Eighty per cent of Ethiopian coffee export is from Oromia. Oromia contributes 65 per cent of the national revenue of Ethiopia. Majority of gold and other mineral mining in Ethiopia is in Oromia. Oromian Rivers supply all hydro electric power of Ethiopia. Yet today, Oromia is synonymous with abject poverty and because of their political opinion, over thousands of Oromo people are languishing in Ethiopian prison. At the same time thousands are dying from curable diseases such as malaria. Because of fear of persecution, thousands of Oromo fled their country and are living in excruciating conditions. Today, prison centers in Oromia are 10 times the number of schools, hospitals and health centers.

Oromo people’s resistance and demand to regain the independence they lost to Ethiopian empire gave birth to Oromo Liberation Front in 1973. As it is clear from its name; OLF was only established with the fundamental objective of liberating Oromia and establishing Independent Democratic Republic of Oromia. OLF fights for independence of Oromia from the Addis Abba government.

OLF and Transition Government of Ethiopia

After Derg was dislodged from power, a transitional charter was signed between OLF and the party of Mallas by which Transitional Government was established in 1991. The major objective of the Charter and the Transitional Government was to allow referendum by, which Oromo people would freely decide whether they want to be independent or part of Ethiopia.

As almost all Oromo people embraced OLF and it’s objective, TPLF ( Malles Zenawi’s party) started violating terms of the charter and banned OLF’s peaceful political campaign. Finally, Ethiopia's Transitional Government led by Melles declared war on OLF. This left OLF with no option but to defend itself. “As the former President of South Africa, Nelson Mandela said, oppressors determine the mode of the struggle. Ethiopian colonial government determined the mode of Oromo people’s struggle for their right to complete independence. This is why Oromo people’s struggle is the struggle for self defense,” says Dibaba.

It is important to note that there are some Oromo members of parliament in Ethiopia. They serve the political and economic interest of Ethiopia in Oromia. “They are like “home guards” that were fighting alongside the British forces against Mau fighters during Kenyan people’s struggle for independence from British. As “home guards” never represented Kenyan people during British occupation of Kenya, these Oromos with seats in Ethiopian parliament do not represent Oromo and Oromia,” Dibaba observes.

The way forward

From the onset, OLF has respected territorial integrity of Kenya and all its neighbouring countries including their international boundaries. According to the ORA, these countries went through the same colonial history as Oromo people. “Oromo people have the legitimate right to defend and liberate themselves to join the free people of the world.”

In as far as there is no peaceful and democratic means through which Oromo people can decide their political status, the only option left for this people is an armed struggle. According to the OLF rank and file, in its fight for independence, Oromo people do observe all rules of war and therefore, abhors any act of terrorism that targets innocent civilians. As the recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world, the realization of the right to independence of Oromo people is the foundation for peace in the Horn of Africa.

By Kasembeli Albert.

The author is Editor of Business Journal Africa, a business and Finance Magazine

Ethiopia: The Aid-Politics Trap

2010-11-29T01:16:00.000-08:00

By Tom Porteous, Human Rights Watch Researcher
November 28, 2010

The Ethiopian government’s political use of international humanitarian aid is a test of donors’ commitment to human-rights principles. Ethiopia is the largest recipient of western development assistance in Africa. In 2005-08, aid to Ethiopia more than doubled - from $1.9 billion to $3.4 billion

Yet the country's domestic politics are becoming less democratic and more repressive. Could there be a link between aid and repression?

That's a question Human Rights Watch has set out to answer in recent months; and a report published on 19 October 2010 gives an unsettling answer. In the course of several months' research involving interviews with over 200 people in three regions of Ethiopia and the capital Addis Ababa, we uncovered evidence that multi-billion dollar programmes funded by the World Bank and others have been politicized and manipulated by the Ethiopian government and are used as a powerful tool of political control and repression.

Meanwhile the donors, particularly Britain and other European Union donors, have failed properly to acknowledge the problem - let alone challenge the Ethiopian government over it or propose remedies.

A state of insecurity

Ethiopia is a de facto one-party state masquerading as a democracy. Its ruling party, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), permeates the state and goes to great lengths to ensure citizens' political loyalty. In parliamentary elections in May 2010, the EPRDF won 99.6% of the seats. In local elections in 2008 it won more than 99%.

When the opposition protested against the declared results of the election in 2005 - which took place in an unusual atmosphere of freedom, though the process was still flawed - the security forces shot dead 200 protesters and arrested and detained tens of thousands of opposition supporters, including dozens of politicians.

Now, HRW's research indicates that the coercive mechanisms by which the EPRDF maintains control of the country have come to include the politicisation and manipulation of aid. The report documents numerous instances of government officials distributing and withholding the benefits of donor-funded programmes - such as fertilisers, agricultural seeds, food, microcredit, and job and training opportunities - on the basis of party affiliation.

In a country where half of the population lives below the poverty line and many are dependent on food aid, these abusive practices - in addition to being in violation of international human-rights law - send the chilling message that failure to support the ruling party may lead you and your family to starve.
The evidence of these practices includes testimony by fifty people interviewed by researchers in three of Ethiopia's regions, including Amhara and Oromia. They alleged that the World Bank's "productive safety-nets programme" - worth $1.7 billion over three years and designed to provide food to people at risk of starvation - was being used as a political tool. "The safety-net is used to buy loyalty to the ruling party", a farmer in Dessie, in the Amhara region, told us. "That is money that comes from abroad.... Do those people who send the money know what it is being used for? Let them know that it is being used against democracy."

Human Rights Watch documented some instances of the withholding of donor-funded food aid from families with malnourished, hungry children on the basis of political affiliation.

Ethiopian civil society might once have protested. But over the last five years, the Ethiopian government has cracked down with harsh effectiveness on independent media and human-rights organisations that might have sought to expose these violations and hold the authorities to account. Again the donors have turned a blind eye to this repression.

A need to rethink

This situation reveals that donors in Ethiopia have created for themselves a sharp dilemma. They are aware of the government's poor human-rights record and of their own role in supporting the state. But they also believe that confronting the government on human rights could imperil their efforts to feed those at risk and stimulate economic development. So instead of confronting the government politically, they have tended to address the problem of "governance" as a technical one that can be solved through "capacity building" - i.e. more aid.

But this simply perpetuates the problem. The donors' failure to address the fact that their own policies are contributing to the worsening human-rights crisis in Ethiopia is influenced by Ethiopia's strategic importance as a western ally in a turbulent region prone to Islamist militancy, as well as by the real (if sometimes exaggerated) progress that Ethiopia has made in reducing poverty.

Ethiopia's importance, however, should be a reason to break the links between aid and repression, rather than to ignore them. A fundamental rethink of the donors' approach to Ethiopia is overdue, and Britain - the largest EU donor to Ethiopia - should lead the way.

As a first step, all major donor-funded aid programmes should be independently monitored and audited with a view to establishing how and to what extent they contribute to political repression and to recommending serious reforms. At the same time, donors should confront the Ethiopian government over its human-rights record, including violations of the right to non-partisan treatment in the distribution of the benefits of aid. Ethiopians deserve no less.

Ethiopia:" Donor Aid Supports Repression!!!" Human Rights Watch

2010-10-22T12:12:00.000-07:00

Contributors Should Review Development Programs, Monitor Use of Funds

(London) - The Ethiopian government is using development aid to suppress political dissent by conditioning access to essential government programs on support for the ruling party, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. Human Rights Watch urged foreign donors to ensure that their aid is used in an accountable and transparent manner and does not support political repression.

The 105-page report, "Development without Freedom: How Aid Underwrites Repression in Ethiopia," documents the ways in which the Ethiopian government uses donor-supported resources and aid as a tool to consolidate the power of the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF).

"The Ethiopian government is routinely using access to aid as a weapon to control people and crush dissent," said Rona Peligal, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. "If you don't play the ruling party's game, you get shut out. Yet foreign donors are rewarding this behavior with ever-larger sums of development aid."

Ethiopia is one of the world's largest recipients of development aid, more than US$3 billion in 2008 alone. The World Bank and donor nations provide direct support to district governments in Ethiopia for basic services such as health, education, agriculture, and water, and support a "food-for-work" program for some of the country's poorest people. The European Union, the United States, the United Kingdom, and Germany are the largest bilateral donors.

Local officials routinely deny government support to opposition supporters and civil society activists, including rural residents in desperate need of food aid. Foreign aid-funded "capacity-building" programs to improve skills that would aid the country's development are used by the government to indoctrinate school children in party ideology, intimidate teachers, and purge the civil service of people with independent political views.

Political repression was particularly pronounced during the period leading up to parliamentary elections in May 2010, in which the ruling party won 99.6 percent of the seats.

Despite government restrictions that make independent research difficult, Human Rights Watch interviewed more than 200 people in 53 villages across three regions of the country during a six-month investigation in 2009. The problems Human Rights Watch found were widespread: residents reported discrimination in many locations.
Farmers described being denied access to agricultural assistance, micro-loans, seeds, and fertilizers because they did not support the ruling party. As one farmer in Amhara region told Human Rights Watch, "[Village] leaders have publicly declared that they will single out opposition members, and those identified as such will be denied ‘privileges.' By that they mean that access to fertilizers, ‘safety net' and even emergency aid will be denied."

Rural villagers reported that many families of opposition members were barred from participation in the food-for-work or "safety net" program, which supports 7 million of Ethiopia's most vulnerable citizens. Scores of opposition members who were denied services by local officials throughout the country reported the same response from ruling party and government officials when they complained: "Ask your own party for help."

Human Rights Watch also documented how high school students, teachers, and civil servants were forced to attend indoctrination sessions on ruling party ideology as part of the capacity-building program funded by foreign governments. Attendees at training sessions reported that they were intimidated and threatened if they did not join the ruling party. Superiors told teachers that ruling party membership was a condition for promotion and training opportunities. Education, especially schools and teacher training, is also heavily supported by donor funds.

"By dominating government at all levels, the ruling party controls all the aid programs," Peligal said. "Without effective, independent monitoring, international aid will continue to be abused to consolidate a repressive single-party state."

In 2005, the World Bank and other donors suspended direct budget support to the Ethiopian government following a post-election crackdown on demonstrators that left 200 people dead, 30,000 detained, and dozens of opposition leaders in jail. At the time, donors expressed fears of "political capture" of donor funds by the ruling party.
Yet aid was soon resumed under a new program, "Protection of Basic Services," that channeled money directly to district governments. These district governments, like the federal administration, are under ruling party control, yet are harder to monitor and more directly involved in day-to-day repression of the population.

During this period the Ethiopian government has steadily closed political space, harassed independent journalists and civil society activists into silence or exile, and violated the rights to freedom of association and expression. A new law on civil society activity, passed in 2009, bars nongovernmental organizations from working on issues related to human rights, good governance, and conflict resolution if they receive more than 10 percent of their funding from foreign sources.

"The few independent organizations that monitored human rights have been eviscerated by government harassment and a pernicious new civil society law," Peligal said. "But these groups are badly needed to ensure aid is not misused."

As Ethiopia's human rights situation has worsened, donors have ramped up assistance. Between 2004 and 2008, international development aid to Ethiopia doubled.

According to Ethiopian government data, the country is making strong progress on reducing poverty, and donors are pleased to support Ethiopia's progress toward the United Nations Millennium Development Goals. Yet the price of that progress has been high.

When Human Rights Watch presented its findings to donor officials, many privately acknowledged the worsening human rights situation and the ruling party's growing authoritarian rule. Donor officials from a dozen Western government agencies told Human Rights Watch that they were aware of allegations that donor-supported programs were being used for political repression, but they had no way of knowing the extent of such abuse. In Ethiopia, most monitoring of donor programs is a joint effort alongside Ethiopian government officials.

Yet few donors have been willing to raise their concerns publicly over the possible misuse of their taxpayers' funds. In a desk study and an official response to Human Rights Watch, the donor consortium Development Assistance Group stated that their monitoring mechanisms showed that their programs were working well and that aid was not being "distorted." But no donors have carried out credible, independent investigations into the problem.

Human Rights Watch called on donor country legislatures and audit institutions to examine development aid to Ethiopia to ensure that it is not supporting political repression.

"In their eagerness to show progress in Ethiopia, aid officials are shutting their eyes to the repression lurking behind the official statistics," Peligal said. "Donors who finance the Ethiopian state need to wake up to the fact that some of their aid is contributing to human rights abuses."

Background

Led by the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), the ruling party is a coalition of ethnic-based groups that came to power in 1991 after ousting the military government of Mengistu Haile Mariam. The government passed a new constitution in 1994 that incorporated fundamental human rights standards, but in practice many of these freedoms have been increasingly restricted during its 19 years in power.

Although the ruling party introduced multiparty elections soon after it came to power in 1991, opposition political parties have faced serious obstruction to their efforts to establish offices, organize, and campaign in national and local elections.

Eight-five percent of Ethiopia's population live in rural areas and, each year, 10 to 20 percent rely on international food relief to survive. Foreign development assistance to Ethiopia has steadily increased since the 1990s, with a temporary plateau during the two-year border war with Eritrea (1998-2000). Ethiopia is now the largest recipient of World Bank funds and foreign aid in Africa.

In 2008, total aid was US$3.3 billion. Of that, the United States contributes around $800 million, much of it in humanitarian and food aid; the European Union contributes $400 million; and the United Kingdom provides $300 million. Ethiopia is widely considered to be making good progress toward some of the UN Millennium Development Goals on reducing poverty, but much of the data originates with the government and is not independently verified.

Quotes from the Report

"There are micro-loans, which everybody goes to take out, but it is very difficult for us, [opposition] members. They say, ‘This is not from your government, it is from the government you hate. Why do you expect something from the government that you hate?'"

- A farmer from southern Ethiopia

"Yesterday in fact the kebele [village] chairman said to me, ‘You are suffering so many problems, why don't you write a letter of regret and join the ruling party?'"

- A farmer with a starving child from southern Ethiopia, denied participation in the safety net food-for-work program

"The safety net is used to buy loyalty to the ruling party. That is money that comes from abroad. Democracy is being compromised by money that comes from abroad. Do those people who send the money know what it is being used for? Let them know that it is being used against democracy."

- A farmer from Amhara region

"It is clear that our money is being moved into political brainwashing."

- Consultant to a major donor, Addis Ababa

"Intimidation is all over, in every area. There is politicization of housing, business, education, agriculture. Many of the people are forced or compromised to join the party because of safety net and so on, many do not have a choice - it is imposed."

- Western donor official, Addis Ababa

"Every tool at their disposal - fertilizer, loans, safety net - is being used to crush the opposition. We know this."

- Senior Western donor official, Addis Ababa

"Which state are we building and how? It could be that we are building the capacity of the state to control and repress."

- World Bank staff member, Addis Ababa

Response to Mr. Obang Metho's artcle of August 3, 2010

2010-08-10T03:17:00.000-07:00

Dear Mr. Obang Metho:

I am writing this letter in reaction to your article written on August 3, 2010, in which you addressed all Oromians, asking them to oppose the publication of Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis.

Before I comment on your article, I feel that you have received inadequate information or should be given some highlights on how Oromians, Ogadenians and other southern people view the so-called Ethiopia since you seemingly are unaware of the fact that regrettably Ethiopia is a brutal empire - you almost sound like a foreigner in your article. You can easily tell how bad I feel to use the word "Ethiopia" in this letter; this is how all Oromians, the Oromians that you are calling upon to denounce Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis, feel. We feel this way because our human rights are being violated by the various sitting governments of Addis Ababa which come and go. They [Abyssinians]have committed and continue to commit war crimes against humanity in Oromia. Oromians do not hate anybody - not even Amharas and Tigrans, who have invaded our nation and ruled interchangeably and kept us under their brutal administration by force. In fact, Oromians are very well known for their role in bringing peace within themselves, as well as amongst their neighbors ; they extend their helping hands to their neighbors; they receive guests of all types with warm hearts, they accommodate and treat them with dignity. Also, they solve issues and problems through peaceful means; they are God- fearing people. Violence, rape, hate, killings of defenseless, innocent people and warring are typical behavior of Abyssinians, including TPLF. Violence, rape, hate, killings of defenseless innocent Oromo people and wars were brought to us by Abyssinian invaders 150 or so years ago. And these atrocities continue to happen to Oromians right now as you peruse this letter. Oromians are living in fear, being terrorized by the current sitting brutal government.

Oromian nationals, Ogadenians and many other southern peoples, including people of Anyuak are held against their will at gunpoint under forced unity. Defenseless Oromians were and still are unfairly treated as second class citizens. As I mentioned above, Oromia is the nation which fell under the Ethiopian empire 150 or so years ago; the illegal occupiers were and continue to erode our identity, change our culture, destroy our original African traditional religion by importing and imposing religious beliefs of their own, altering our way of life, taking our fertile farmland, looting our natural resources, and worst of all, displacing Oromians, making them refugees on their own fatherland, while arbitrarily arresting, torturing, raping and even killing those who resist occupying forces throughout the century and beyond. These are but a few of the numerous reasons why we feel the way we do. These have been our experiences with the country you call Ethiopia.

I seriously doubt that you need to be reminded of the 1991 phenomenon; the Eritrean Liberation Front, the Tigre Liberation Front and varieties of Oromo fighting forces and Liberation Fronts were able to overthrow the communist dictator Mengistu H/Miriam in a coordinated attack during which time the Eritreans declared their independence. Our incompetent leaders, who were and continue to be infiltrated by Abyssinians of "Emiyye Ethiopia" from top to the bottom of organizational hierarchy of OLF could not and did not want to grab the arm length of our statehood, which was made possible through our century and half old struggle against occupiers. Our hard-earned victory has faded away since our leaders who were and still are infiltrated by Abyssinians from the very beginning, fail to take control of the fertile situation, and declare our independence from the brutal administration of the Ethiopian empire, and fail to bring the lasting peace and stability to our people and people of the south. As a result, the Oromians' national priority - the establishment of an independent democratic Republic of Oromia - remains unanswered. (Here is the point where the Abyssinians and their associates will have diarrhea of unknown origin, untreatable palpitations, profuse perspirations and dehydrations.) The liberated Oromia is not going to be a threat to anyone, including non-Oromians, who reside in the State of Oromia or those of the region as whole, and liberated Oromia is not going to become an extremist Islamic state, which harbors terrorists as Abyssinians [TPLF included] and some of their associates who try to sell unfounded causes to Western powers in order to control Oromians, and at the same time milk our natural resources, including the illegal sale of our lands and our nation.

After the 1991 phenomenon, the Oromians now find themselves under another new and vicious cycle of Abyssinian brutal socialist dictator, Malasa Zenawi of TPLF junta from Tigray minority. Their [Oromians] incompetent leaders fled the country, which was the main reason for the OLF splits today. They [TPLF] took advantage of failed leadership of OLF, and filled the vacuum created and began murdering Oromians and many southerners [people of Anuak included], who resisted illegal occupation of their fatherland.

You, Mr. Metho, also failed to acknowledge the root of the problem when you aligned yourself wrongly with the Abyssinian interest groups and few Oromians who lost their identities voluntarily due to unknown reasons. Talking of few Oromians who lost their identities voluntarily reminds me of recent OSA (supposedly stands for Oromo Study Association) conference which betrays and totally opposes the Oromians National Priority - the liberation of Independent Democratic Republic of Oromia. Oromians do not buy such criminal idea of selling Oromians and their nation to different cults of Abyssinians and vice versa. They[Oromians] reject and condemn this insanity in the strongest way imaginable.

Having said that, I now comment on your inflammatory article in which you called upon all Oromians to oppose Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis's ideasâ€¦ and you wrote:

Reading the many hate-filled and inflammatory articles by Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis, where he ''sympathetically'' aligns with one group as he viciously attacks others, has left us with no choice but to alert and warn the public and supporting websites. We ask all torefuse to promote these kinds of vicious personal attacks on individuals, ethnicities and religious groups that may incite ethnic and religious based violence in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa. We are now taking action in reporting this to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and looking for other international bodies who may take action against promulgators of this kind of incendiary hate speech.

It is a facetious statement. Mr.Obang Metho, you should apologize to Oromians in general and to Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin in particular for your inflammatory statement.

The Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE) which you claim to represent, as its name implies, sounds as though it is working to replace the fake Ethiopian current government, at least on the paper. Many Abyssinians organizations and their associates, including the TPLF junta failed to realize that Oromians national priority is far beyond collecting Abyssinian interest groups and/or individuals and hoping that Oromians' birthright and the question of secession from the forced unity will evaporate. Many Abyssinians' forefathers have used this tactical slavery technique in the past and presently try to pretend that the Oromians' needs have been properly addressed. It is foolishness to think that the sleeping giant will continue to sleep while everyone walks on its back to get to the Oromians' killing chambers in Finfinne.

I assure you that Oromians do not have any fear that you are going to replace the current and illegal occupation of their fatherland overnight with your own version of â€œa New Ethiopiaâ€ - the extension of the same colonizing empire, which butchers Oromians, Ogadenians people of Anyuak and many other southern people.
What is the distance between your region, where people of Anyuak live and the original homeland of Abyssinians? Are you geographically closer to the illegal occupiersâ€™ original homeland than to us the State of Oromia? If you claim that you are a true son of the Anyuak people - I hope you are - then, think again!
The sad thing is that you choose to ignore your true identity, or you are trying to hide your true identity under the armpit of so-called Ethiopia. We all know that there are some smaller tribes within the State of Oromian, which perhaps cannot be independent countries on their own due to economic ties they have with the State of Oromia. This issue should not hinder your intellect and cause you to feel inferior, and be a reason for wishing the continuation of the brutal empire. The liberated Oromia can offer the utmost regional autonomy for all non-Oromians, in addition to all rights and privileges, including running for the highest office if they choose to stay with Oromoo nation. Any tribe, regardless of its size can leave the Oromoo nation, if it chooses to do so.

You also mentioned in your statement below about putting all of the Oromians in the torture chamber directly if we have the same view as Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin, please read below:

''We are taking action in r eporting this to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and looking for other international bodies who may take action against promulgators of this kind of incendiary hate speech.''

I still remember that the good people of the Anuak are being murdered indiscriminately. What happened to your ability to bring such criminals as Malasa Zenawi and his killing forces to justice? Are you hallucinating or just seeking attention?

Oromians do not need any intervention in any form from you - the matters require internal attention from experts. About Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin, Oromians want you to know that he is our hero. Following liberation, if he chooses to seek the presidency, I promise to be the first amongst many to vote for him.
Sincerely,

Bullo Obse

(202) 651 1981
marsiimooyi@gmail.com

Zenawis hidden famin

2010-07-27T15:27:00.000-07:00

Ethiopias abundant farming investment

Murni Shanee Gummii dhiiga qabsaa’otaa dhangalaasuu dhaabuu qaba!!! Ibsa ABO irraa kenname.

2010-07-22T01:07:00.000-07:00

Source:- http://www.oromoliberationfront.info/

Yaa Ummata Oromoo!

Dhaamsa kana gara kee dabarsa ka jirru dirqama qabsoo qofaa osoo hin taanee gaafatama lammummaa keenyas bahachuuf.

Nuti Addi Bilisummaa Oromoo (ABOn) ilmaan Oromoo gidduutti dhiiga walii dhangalaasuun, diinnii lafatti hafee wali irratti boba’un, gonkumaa ta’u hin qabu jennee amanna.

Haa ta’u male, murni Shanee Gumii Waraanaa Bilisummaa Oromoo (WBO) Zoonii Kibbaa irrtti, Waxabajjii 24, 2010 eegalee, weerara qawwee geggeessaa jiraachuu gadda guddaadhaan si beeksifna.

Haala kanaan Jaal Saara Baattoo fi Jaal Halakee Duubaa Waxabajjii 24, 2010 rasaasa qawwee ergamtoota Shaneen hooganamuun galaafataman. Jaal Saaraan nama umriin isaa waggaa 24rii yommuu ta’u Jaal Halake umirin waggaa 22 ture. Jaallan lamaanuu mooyxannoo waggootii dheeraa kanneen qaban yogga ta’u Jaal Saaraan WBO keessatti Abbaa Saglii ture. Jaallan kun rasaasaa ergamtoota Shaneen tumamanii gara jabina hiriyaa hin qabneen ajjeefaman.

Lolaa Adoolessa 7 fi 8, 2010 ergamtootonni Shanee geggeessan irratti Jaal Mohammed Bubbee akkasuma rasaasan ajjeefame. Jaal Mohammed Bubbee nama umirin waggaa 30 ture. Akkasumas miseensotni WBO shan (5) madawani jiru.
Gama keenyaan rakkoo akkasii hambisuuf jecha nagaan garaagarummaa keenya fixachuuf tattaaffii wal irraa hin citin yeroo dheeraaf gochaa turre. Waamichi nagaa Muddee 2008 muurnoota maqaa ABOn sosso’an hundaaf dabarsine fudhatamee nagaan rakkoo ilaalcha sisyaasaa nu gidduutti dhalate furannnee ABO deebisnnee dhinsuuf tattaaffii irra jirra.

Murni Shanee Gumii garuu sochii kana gufachiisuuf maallaaqa ummata Oromoo irraa maqaa QBOn waliitti qabatetti fayyadamuun qabsaa’ota dhabamsiisuuf bobba’e. Balaan murna Shanee Gumiin qabsaa’ota kee irratti aggaammatame kun haasaa nagaa itti jirruuf gufuu guddaa ta’ee argina. Karaa tokko nagaa haasawa karaa kaan ammo dhiiga lolaasuu fi lubbuu qabsawotaa balleessuun gochaa diinni duuba jiru yoo ta’e malee ilmaan Oromootiin ni godhama jedhani amanuun ni rakkisa.

Nuti gama keenyaan murna Shanee wajjin kaayyoo adda addaa yoo qabanne illee diinaa kallatti ti jennee waan hin amanneef akka ilmaan Oromootti wal ajjeesuu fi wal balleesuun salphina jenna.

P.O.Box 21762, Washington DC, 20009, USA Tel: (202)-521-5653
E-mail: waajjira@oromoliberationfront.info

Shaneen garuu QBO erga gufachiisu jalqabee waggoota bayye ta’un isaa si jalaa dhokataa miti. Bara 2001 murni Shanee Gumii tattaaffii dhaabicha keessatti rakkoo mareen furachuu fashalchiisee qabsa’ota fi dhaabicha bakka lamatti baqaqse. Yaaliin Shanacha Jaarsummaas diddaa Shaneen gufate. Maallaqa maqaa qabsotiin uummata Oromoo irraa funaanetti fayyadamuun, bara 2002 keessa Shaneen WBO Zoonii Kibbaa irratti waraana banee dhiiga ilmaan Oromoo dhangalaase. Kaayyoo QBO busheessuun, ilmaan Habashootaa waliin tumsa ijaarrachuun, qabsicha of duuba sigigaachise. Bara 2007 “maqaan ABO anaaf ta’a” jechuun mana seeraa ambaatti ilmaan Oromoo yakkuun qabeenyaa ummata Oromoo hedduu qisaasee dhuma irratti mo’ame jira. Ammaan kana ammo waraana qawwee qaabsaa’ota Oromoo irratti banee ilmaan Oromoo dhiiga wal dhangalaasisaa jira.

Waggoota kurnnan dabran kana keessa doolara kumaatamaan lakkawwamu ilmaan Oromoon gumaatamaa ture diina keenya Wayaanee irratti qabsoo akka geggeessu ture. Haata’u malee, guyya tokko ille osoo Wayaanee irratti hin boba’in, lafa taakkuu tokko illee osoo hin bilisomsiin maaltu ilmaan Oromoo bilisummaa Oromiyaaf jecha beelaa fi dheebuu, daaraa fi dhukkuba obsanii dirree falmaa irra jiran irratti duulchise?
Dhaamsi murna Shanee Gumiif qabnu, qabsa’oota gufachiisuuf marxifattani kan itti jiran kana irraa kan bu’a argatu diina ummata Oromoo qofaa ta’u akka hubatan. Kanaaf, qawwee saanii ilmaan Oromoo irraa gara Wayaanee isa biyya keenya booji’ee ummata keenya lafee qorqaa jiruutti akka naanneessan isaan gaafanna.
Yaa Ummata Oromoo!

Haalli amma dhalate kun waan ati eggaa jirtu akka hin taanee ni hubanna. Hubannaa kana irraa ka’uun erga Shaneen lola kaasee illee obsaan akka ilmmaan Oromoo garmalee dhiiga dhangalaasuun dhaabbatuuf yaaliin nuti goone Shaneen Gumii yakka raawwatame haaluu fi haguuguun gufachiifame.

Abba qabsichaa kan taate ummata Oromoo, murni Shanee yakka fokkataa kana irraa akka dhaabbatu dhiibba akka gootu irra deebiin waamichaa siif dabarsina. Deggertoonni fi miseensotni murna Shanee Gumii hundinu, akka warrii dhiiga qabsawotaa dhangalasan kun gochaa diinummaa batalaan irraa dhaabbatan dhiibbaa akka gootan isin gaafatna.
Murna Shaneef gumaatuun, qabsoo fi tokkummaa Oromoo irratti duulu ta’uu akka hubattan isin yaadachiifna.

Balaa hanga ammaa bu’e fi kan fulduratti qabsoo Oromoo gaaga’uf dhufu hundaafu gaafatamni kan murna Shanee Gumii qofa ta’uu hubachiifna.

Oromiyaan ni bilisoomti!

Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo

P.O.Box 21762, Washington DC, 20009, USA Tel: (202)-521-5653
E-mail: waajjira@oromoliberationfront.info

Ginbot 7 represents for the Oromos a grave threat of extinction, a far more alarming menace than gangster Meles Zenawi.

2010-07-20T01:00:00.000-07:00

By Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis

The essence of colonialism has always been the same: subversion of targeted nations in America, Asia and Africa, amalgamation of striking different nations, and accommodation of diverse nations within improper, fake states that are good enough to prevent true and authentic nation building process as it happened in Europe. If the Danes had the right to Denmark, the Oromos did not and ´could´ not have the right to Oromia. This is the colonial ´logic´.

The method by which this was achieved was highly criminal as it involved the systematic selection and extensive corruption of otherwise pathetic individuals deprived of strong principles and moral values; in exchange with enormous promises but infinitesimal delivery, namely minimal material benefits, such as money, socio-professional promotion, and ludicrous flatter, these individuals undertook the colonial patchwork´s greatest part, gravely damaging their own nations in the process.

Little matters whether the methodically selected and ingeniously utilized, corrupt individuals belong today to an independent state or to a subjugated nation (Algeria or Oromia, Pakistan or Kabylia, Kenya or Baluchistan, and so on); in either cases they are reprovable renegades whose acts are detrimental not only to their own nations but to the entire world.

The Kushitic Oromos have been particularly targeted by the 19th century Anglo-French colonialism, and the Western colonial capitals. The authenticity of their millennia long civilization, the originality of their culture, and above all, the impenetrability of their sophisticated social structure and system were more than enough reasons for the colonial powers to doom them within a barbarous state (falsely named Ethiopia) that did everything needed to destroy the paradisiacal Oromo world, which was a tremendous threat for the Western European, Freemasonic Hell.

To perpetrate the extinction of the Oromo Nation with minimal (and if possible no) losses for the English colonial machine, the Amhara - Tigray Abyssinian kingdom was effectively utilized; incredible promises were offered about the Anglo-French acquiescence on the eventuality of an Abyssinian invasion of the Oromo kingdoms, a multitude of guns were sold at almost no price, a real arms embargo on all Oromo states was secretively imposed, and every Oromo massacre by the invading Abyssinian armies was met with the silence of the guilty connivers.

The Amhara – Tigray invasions of the Oromo kingdoms were the world´s most inhuman, most evil, and most bestial Genocide. In fact, this was the Genocide par excellence.

A few years after it occurred, the Russian explorer Alexander Bulatovich who traveled and spent three years in Abyssinia, wrote in his book ´From Entotto to the River Baro´ (1897) the following:

"…… The dreadful annihilation of more than half the population during the conquest took away from the Galla all possibility of thinking about any sort of uprising……. "

More on the subject can be found here:

The Oromo Genocide Solemnly Confessed by Official Russian Explorer in Abyssinia (Fake Ethiopia)

(http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/169749)

After the appalling atrocity took place, the criminal Amhara elites realized that, to continuously repress every act of Oromo insurgence and to duly rob the natural resources of the invaded lands, they had to settle among the persecuted Oromos to further worsen everything pertaining to Oromo identity and national integrity. This meticulous plan constitutes the second stage of the Oromo Genocide, and it was evidently worse than the first, because it lasted (not just a few years but) more than a century, involving an infinite number of persecution practices and acts of the utmost criminality – all perpetrated by the evil Amhara settlers, and the central administration of the inhuman colonial state.

The settlers became known as nafxagna. This word describes the world´s worst and most unrepentant criminals, those for whom Humanity is No 1 Enemy.

The inhuman Nafxagna are still among us; they may be smiling for a furtive moment, they may appear friendly, cooperative, and compassionate.

It is all part of their nature; hypocrisy, mendacity, duplicity, bullying, cowardice, premeditated lies, intentional and systematic evilness. The target is one: use of power to serve their inhuman dreams about a huge state within which numerous nations will be monstrously absorbed, villainously depersonalized, and irrevocably annihilated in order to bring forth the Satanic Freemasonic dream of an incestuous, Anti-Christian and Anti-Islamic, pseudo-nation named Ethiopia.

This fake, filthy, and counterfeit Ethiopia – for which so many dozens of millions of people of different ethnic backgrounds are threatened with extinction – serves the Freemasonic eschatological and messianic aberration in order to position the Freemasonic pseudo-christ as Jesus in a hypothetical second coming. The vicious plan consists in a highly conscious attempt to theatrically stage manage a false replica of Biblical prophecies that are – all – heralding the extermination of the Freemasonry (called Mother of the Harlots in John´s Revelation); by creating this fake reality, Freemasons are foolish enough to believe that they can thus possibly avoid the irreversible, forthcoming extinction of their evil, global organization. The game is of colossal dimensions and only this reality can explain the globally imposed silence about all things Oromo; an Oromo national revolution and secession would turn Freemasons´ hopes of survival and prevalence to ashes.

For this reason, nafxagnas´ children are highly promoted by the Freemasonic establishments of Washington, London and Paris. Wherever and whenever found, they are greatly subsidized, efficiently supported, and highly acclaimed. The several generations of the nafxagna have always been the backbone of the evil administration of Abyssinia (fake Ethiopia); the Freemasonic regimes are fully aware of the fact that with the nafxagna ruling Abyssinia, the most monstrous, the most bestial, and the most inhuman methods will be unquestionably employed in order to ensure the continuation of the evil state that serves their hidden targets and antihuman dreams.

In this regard, an efficient balance has been instituted, and the nafxagna have served the Ethiopianist Crime from two different types of positions; some are hired inside the criminal colonial state in the state machine. Other nafxagnas are happy to be appointed in the fake opposition that a fake country like Ethiopia can possibly have. It´s all about a theatrical scheme whereby the two parts are not truly opposite to one another but complementary of each other.

In the same way, some Amhara nafxagnas settled in occupied Oromia, let´s say in Bishoftu, other Amhara nafxagnas are forcefully imposed as interlocutors and partners of the Oromo Diaspora, let´s say Berhanu Nega. How nice!

Having garnered the support of many colonial circles in Europe and America, Berhanu Nega is fully aware of the fact that his role will not been successfully executed, unless he successfully infiltrates various Oromo organizations in the Diaspora to hypocritically call them to cooperate with his racist Ginbot 7 party, and thus trigger another calamitous polarization and ominous schism among the Oromo Diaspora.

Ginbot 7 represents for the Oromos a grave threat of extinction, a far more alarming menace than gangster Meles Zenawi. Racist, Ethio-fascist Ginbot 7 is for the Oromos the measure of a lethal embrace. Under the execrable mask of a democrat or a democratically elected mayor, Berhany Nega is Africa´s lurking Hitler who, if given the opportunity, will undertake the final solution for all East Africa´s subjugated nations and the most methodic and unprecedented extinction of the Oromos.

Instead of trusting the systematic lies of this son of nafxagna gangsters from Bishoftu, his birth city in Occupied Oromia, one should rather go through Ginbot 7: Movement for Justice, Freedom and Democracy Mission Statement (see below) whereby the next East Africa gas chambers are solemnly announced. In the ca. 400 words long text, the word "identity" is not mentioned even once. Of course, if this happened in Slovenia, no one would be concerned with.

But in the occupied land of the Oromos whereby the historical name of a town, let´s say Bishoftu, was peremptorily turned to Debre Zeyit, only National Identity and National Justice really matter.

And nation means common language, culture, behavioural system, moral values, and past; and Berhanu Nega´s Amharas have nothing to share with the Oromos except the Genocide they perpetrated against them.

And the imposition of an Amhara name instead of the original and rightful Oromo name does not reflect any democratic attitude, and quite unfortunately the nafxagna gangsters´ son, Berhanu Nega, did not bother to denounce the fact or at least express his idea on the subject (if he happens to have any).

All that matters for Berhanu Nega´s Ginbot 7 is the preservation of the colonial state that emerged from successive genocides and managed to survive only thanks to ceaseless persecution, monstrous tyranny, and utmost inhumanity.

This cannot possibly be the interest of either the Oromos or any other subjugated nation. That´s why only renegades, apostates, traitors and corrupt individuals would invite the alien and unrepentant son of Amhara nafxagnas in any event they may organize.

The only way for the Oromos to survive is to delve into the Oromo Identity; for this to be done, there is no need for a vicious and unrepentant Amhara swindler or a CIA promoted apostate Oromo. On the subject, I will expand further in a forthcoming article; I herewith republish the "vision" and "mission" statements of the Ginbot 7 anti-Oromo hysteria.

Who knows?

Perhaps, Berhanu Nega could appear in the forthcoming OSA conference and explain why the name of the Oromos was so deliberately, so spectacularly, and so ignominiously omitted from his shameful party´s disreputable website.

Ginbot 7: Movement for Justice, Freedom and Democracy Mission Statement

http://www.ginbot7.org/Mission_Statement_ENG.htm

Vision

The GINBOT 7 Movement envisions the creation of a nation wherein each and every Ethiopian enjoys the full respect of its democratic and human rights, achieves economic prosperity and social justice, and the respect of the citizen´s life, safety and human dignity.

Mission

The primary mission of GINBOT 7 Movement is the realization of a national political system in which government power and political authority is assumed through peaceful and democratic process based on the free will and choice of citizens of the country.

Core Values and Fundamental principles

The values and principles guiding the GINBOT 7´s struggle include the following:

The respect of individuals´ and people´s rights as the corner stone of the new political system;

The establishment and strengthening of independent institutions such as independent national police and defense force, independent judiciary, independent board of elections, and free press, that can serve as bulwarks for the new democratic system against the vagaries of dictatorial governments, parties or politicians;

Creating a strong and patriotic nation where the ethnic, religious, cultural, geographic and other differences are esteemed and appreciated, our diversity is viewed as a source of pride than a Trojan horse of doom and disintegration;

Fighting all forms of political behavior, traditions and trends that make use of our ethnic, religious, and cultural differences as a means of achieving myopic and short term political gains at the expense of the shared legacies and common aspirations of the peoples of the country;

Creating a political environment in which citizens are guaranteed of equal opportunity irrespective of their ethnic, religious, linguistic, cultural, or geographic difference, or other personal and physical disabilities;

Realizing a principled, dynamic, enlightened, industrious, and effective leadership that serve the country by being an example to its citizens;

Establish a system where good governance, accountability, and transparency are exercised through a people-centered decision making mechanism.

A political and social system where achievement is valued, merit is rewarded and citizens are compensated based on merit not political attachments and ethnic affiliations.

Forming alliance with other political parties and popular fronts, reducing and gradually eliminating tension among various opposition political groups. With a view to achieving national stability through a political system characterized by a broad based political framework;

Establishing an inclusive political system where no political party, popular front or any disgruntled group will not be marginalized due to its political beliefs or programs.

Note

Picture: Berhanu Nega´s ancestors did this to an innocent Kaffa; but unrepentant Berhanu Nega may do even worse to the descendants of not one but more subjugated nations of Abyssinia – always with the blessings of the CIA, US, UK and EU. Who among the subjugated nations of Abyssinia is ready to invite him to do this?

LONDON INTERNATIONAL OROMO WORKSHOP Organizing Committee press release.

2010-07-14T23:24:00.000-07:00

LONDON INTERNATIONAL OROMO WORKSHOP

London 3rd July 2010

PRESS RELEASE

“THE SCRAMBLE FOR LAND AND ENVIRONMENTAL DEGRADATION IN OROMIA: Consequences for the Future”

The 4th annual International Society OF Oromo Studies (isos) conference, held in London, on the 3rd July 2010, attended by researchers, human rights activists, journalists, NGO representatives, and delegates from Canada, USA, Finland, Sweden, Czech Republic, Italy, Africa, France, Switzerland and UK, examined land grabbing and
its impact on the environment, food sovereignty and security.

Panellists explored history of land use and abuse in Oromia, drivers of the land grabbing, Ethiopian regime’s land sale policy, mining and environmental degradation, land rights and identity and the threat posed by foreign investment to the future survival of the indigenous population.

Farming practice in Oromia has been in existence for many centuries and is contributing substantially to the global crop biodiversity. The large scale industrial farming practice being expanded in Oromia threatens to wipe out unique produces including coffee, Eragrostis tef /xaafii/, sorghum, and barley.

Ethiopia is the only country that does not allow anyone to see the records of what is being sold and who is buying the farmlands. No consultation takes place with the local farmers on the process of land lease and compensation is nominal if any. The Ethiopian land lease price is by far the cheapest in the world at $1/hectare/year for 100 years. Fertile lands of Oromia, Gambella and Benishangul are exclusively targeted.

Rice and other cereals produced, by investors, in Oromia, are being shipped out of the country for lucrative international markets and consumption by investors as the local farmers and their family suffer from chronic malnutrition and millions survive on food handout from donor countries. The conference concluded there can be no justification for cut flower farming in a hungry country.

Toxic chemicals from open mining pits and flower farming are left untreated to pollute the tributaries and major local rivers essential for the survival of the local population and already causing serious public health problems.

Heavy metals like lead and copper as well as toxic chemicals such as sodium cyanide are being discharged directly into rivers used by the locals for drinking. Evidence shows there is no capacity or political will by the Ethiopian state to enforce national regulation or international conventions on the protection of the environment.

Research confirms that deforestation, as a result of extensive mining, is leading to worsening of soil erosion.It was noted that selling off millions of hectares of farmland to foreigners by displacing the local population complicated by political and economic alienation has the potential for a catastrophic social unrest and poses a huge security headache not only for the country but for the whole world.

Overall, evidence presented showed the so called win-win situation is most unlikely to be achievable due to the excess financial muscles of the so called investors who treat food just as yet another commodity and lack of participatory democracy especially in Ethiopia. Participants denounced land grabbing and agreed to coordinate their efforts globally to campaign to STOP the irresponsible greedy practice by the transnational conglomerates.

ISOS ORGANIZING COMMITTEE

Voices from the London International Oromo WorkshopVoices from the London International Oromo Workshop

2010-07-12T23:39:00.000-07:00

The following videos are from FarmLandGrab.org, a site containing “mainly news reports about the global rush to buy up or lease farmlands abroad as a strategy to secure basic food supplies or simply for profit.”

The 4th London International Oromo Workshop was held on July 3rd, 2010. This year’s workshop was entitled: “The Scramble for Land, ‘Investment’ and Environmental Degradation in Oromia: Consequences for the Future”.
Below are some extracts of interviews with some of the presenters at the workshop.

More Than 40 Immigrants Fleeing Ethiopia Detained in Kenya

2010-06-23T23:34:00.000-07:00

The video reports are from NTV Kenya and KTN Kenya; more than 40 immigrants fleeing Ethiopia, and en route to South Africa and other safe countries are detained in Kenya. Authorities in Kenya are alleging human trafficking.

Historically, political persecution in Ethiopia have forced thousands to flee the country; the majority of those fleeing political persecution are from Oromo, the largest nation in Ethiopia.

It’s to be recalled that Kenya recently faced some criticisms from human rights organizations for its breaking of international laws when it handed over two UNHCR-registered Oromo refugees to Ethiopian security forces in 2008. Once in Ethiopia, Mr. Mesfin Abebe Abdissa and Mr. Tasfahuun Chamada Gurmessa, the two UNHCR-registered refugees abducted from Kenya, were persecuted to death and life sentences, respectively.

Abduction and Disappearance of Refugees in Somaliland

2010-06-13T05:46:00.000-07:00

The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) expresses its deep concern about the safety of six Oromo refugees who were abducted from various locations in Somaliland on different dates in a joint operation by security forces of the governments of the Somaliland and Ethiopia, and taken to unknown destinations.
According to information obtained through HRLHA correspondent in the area,

1. Fahmi Kalif Adam,
2. Mohammed-saani Mohammed,
3. Abdi Yuusuf Adam, and
4. Raajuu/Jeylan Jibril Kadir were kidnapped on the 28th of May, 2010 at around 8:00 PM in a locality known as Sha’abka in the town of Hargessa.
5. Abdurahman Ibrahim was abducted on the 1st of June, 2010 while he was walking along the street in the same town. The sixth refugee, Bontu Sharaf (a female engaged in private retail business), was abducted on the 5th of June, 2010 in the border town of Wacale on the Ethio-Somalian border. No information was obtained regarding the safety and the whereabouts of all the six refugees ever since they were abducted and taken away.

Abdi Yusuf, Raajuu or Jeylan Jibril, Mohammed-Sani Mohammed and Fahmi are registered refugees bearing UNHCR mandate, with registration numbers UNHCR 505-2008, UNHCR-165-2008, UNHCR 114-2008, and UNHCR 158-2008, respectively.

Two refugees who were very fortunate to escape the kidnapping have disclosed to an HRLHA correspondent that four of the kidnappers were in Ethiopian army uniform, and were speaking Amharic – Ethiopia’s official language.

HRLHA believes that those kidnapped refugees have been taken back to Ethiopia; and that they are likely to be subjected to torture, and eventually face harsh punishments.

It is very obvious that Ethiopia is a politically violent country, the reality that became more vivid especially after the most recent election held this past May, 2010, in which the ruling EPRDF party showed its authoritarianism by systematically eliminating opposition parties from the political games and the democratization process. Throughout its time in power, the EPRDF ruling party is always accused of extrajudicial killings, massive political imprisonments, kidnappings and disappearances of people due to their differing political opinions. Although there have been some other alleged attachments to it, refugees from Ethiopia flee their homeland mainly due to this never ending political repression, and in an effort to escape such political killings and imprisonments. It is also obvious that Ethiopia is a country where death penalty is implemented.

Background Information:

* Mr. Mohamed Ahmed Mohamud – UNHCR attestation papers number 03/RF/SOMH/036 was abducted from Hargessa, Somaliland on October 17, 2008 by the joint security forces from Ethiopia and Somaliland (HRLHA Urgent Action No 5, 2008). After taken to Ethiopia, he was severely tortured and kept in dark prison cell separately for more than two years. Mr Mohamed escaped from prison and presently he resettled in Canada Windsor Ontario (read his life in Ethiopia prison from the interview “University of Windsor Counselors aid torture victims” he gave to The Windsor Star, on April 17, 2010).

* Mr. Yasin Adam Ahmed [UNHCR file number 03/RF/SOMHA/050) and, (Canada Immigration file number B049951893) Ethiopian Oromo refugee was abducted from Somaliland by a joint operation of Ethiopia and Somaliland security forces on February 10, 2010 and returned him to Ethiopia (HRLHA urgent Action No. 2 February 2010. HRLHA didn’t receive whereabouts of Mr. Yasin Adam since he was abducted.

Due to these and other similar facts, HRLHA is highly concerned about the whereabouts as well as safety of those refugees. Therefore, HRLHA calls upon regional and international humanitarian and diplomatic communities and agencies to approach and pressurize both the Ethiopian and the Somaliland governments so that they disclose the whereabouts and the current situations of the abducted refugees. It also calls upon those same agencies and communities to exert pressure on the Horn of African countries to refrain from becoming tools of authoritarian regimes and instead respect the rights of refugees to safety and protection.

The HRLHA is a non-political and non-profit organization that attempts to challenge abuses of human rights of the people of various nations and nationalities in the Horn of Africa. It works on defending fundamental human rights including freedoms of thought, expression, movement and association. It also works on raising the awareness of individuals about their own fundamental human rights and that of others. It encourages the observances as well as due processes of law. It promotes the growth and development of free and vigorous civil societies.

Source: The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA)

Another Round Death Penalties by TPLF Kangaroo Court on Oromo Civilians

2010-06-08T15:25:00.000-07:00

press release from the Oromo Human Rights and Relief Organization

In a less than two months of time, the Ethiopian court has handed down a death penalty and a life-long imprisonment on Oromo civilians for the second time.
It is to our fresh memory that 15 Oromo business and intellectual civilians were sentenced to death and life long imprisonment on 31st March 2010. Among these was a young Engineer, Mesfin Abebe, who was sentenced to death. Others were condemned to life and long time imprisonment. Most of them served on high business and social responsibilities. A young mother of two children, Lelise Wodajo, was one among those sentenced for long time imprisonment. She had no a crime of her own; she was only accounted for her husband, Journalist Dhabessa Wakjira, who somehow managed to escape from prison and TPLF’s persecution. According to the Ethiopian federal court, which passed the verdict, all their crime was said to be nothing but their adherence to a different political view from that of the ruling party.

Under similar judiciary circumstances, the Ethiopian federal court handed down this time, 20th of May 2010, death penalty and harsh long time imprisonment on 7 Oromo civilians.

These are:
1. Mrs. Dirribe Ettaana, sentenced to death
2. Mr. Deggu Ettaana, sentenced to death
3. Mrs. Urge Abebe, sentenced to death
4. Mr. Daniel Jaleta, sentenced to death
5. Mr. Girma Raggassa, Life imprisonment
6. Mr. Endale Nagari, 10 years imprisonment
7. Mrs. Workinesh Dube, two years imprisonment and 2000 Birr, Ethiopian currency.

As one may recognise from their second names, the first two, with capital punishments, are siblings from a common household. We also came to learn that Mrs. Urge Abebe and Mr. Girma Ragassa are married couples to be separated by thin but iron wall between death and life imprisonment. This is the ugliest and most brutal face of TPLF’s court verdict.

Videos from the May 29, 2010 public forum organized by the Oromo Artists' Association. Jaal Zalaalam Nagaasaa

2010-05-31T14:29:00.000-07:00

Walgahiin hawaasa Oromoo, ‘Germany’ magaalaa ‘Berlin’ keessatti geggeeffame.

2010-05-12T00:44:00.000-07:00

Walgahii hawaasa Oromoo ‘Germany’

Walgahiin hawaasa Oromoo, ‘Germany’ magaalaa ‘Berlin’ keessatti geggeeffame. Walgahiin kun kan geggeeffame Ebla (May) 1, 2010 yommuu ta’u walgahicha ka qopheesse koree ABO Awurooppaati.

Walgahii kana irratti Oromootni Sweden, England, Czeck Republic, Switzerland, Holandaa irraa ka dhufanii fi ‘Germany’ kessa bakka adda addaa ka jiraatan argaman.

Walagahii kana irratti mataduree dubbii sadii irratti haasaan yommuu godhamu kunis Mirgaa fi haqa dhala namaa, Maqaa ‘Investment’n lafa (dachee) Oromiyaa gurguramaa jiru, akkasumas haala qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo irratti ture.

Mirgaa fi haqa dhala namaa ilaalchisee haasaa godhame keessatti Walgahiin ‘Geneva’ (Geneva Convention) bara 1951 akka murteessetti addunyaa irratti mirgi dhala namaa akka tokkeettis ta’ee akka uummataatti bilisaawaa fi kabajamaa ta’uu isaa akkasumas mirga lafa irra jiraachuu danda’uu akka qabu ibsame. Waan ta’eef Oromoonis mirgaa fi haqa kana akka qabu yommuu himamu uummatni oromoo garuu yeroo dheeraa dha jalqabee mirgaa fi haqi isaa sarbamee gidiraa guddaa keessa galee akka jiru addeeffame.

Oromoon akkuma uummatni addunyaa lafa irra jiraachuu qabu innis jiraachuu waan qabuuf eenyu iyyuu mirga kana kennuufii yokiin irraa kaasuu akka hindandeenye himamee qabeenya (lafa) isaa kabajaan eeggatee itti maahii bahuu dadhabuun isaa ammoo mirgaa fi haqi isaa kun cabuu akka agarsiisu dubbatame.

Uummatni Oromoo rakkoo kana keessaa bahuu ka itti danda’u keessaa inni tokko Oromoon ambaa wal utubee mirga lammii offiif dhaabbachuu waan ta’eef kana fixaan baasuuf yoomiyyuu caalaa amma bakka hundaatti hawaasa isaa cimsuu akka qabu ibsame.

Dabalees cunqursaan Oromoo irra jiru dinagdeen, hawaasummaan, dhukkubaan akkasumas qalbiin (psychological) yommuu ta’u kunis yeroo ammaa kana daangaa irra darbee akka jiru dubbatame. Mallattoon Oromoo lafa (dache) isaa waliin waan hidhameef mootummaan Abashaa lafa isaa irraa kaasee jireenya isaa irraa buqqisuun qeyee isaa akka diigaa jiru ibsame. Lafti Oromoo’ hectare’ milliona 7 yeroo ammaa kana maqaa ‘Investment’ jedhuun yommuu gurguramaa jiru kunis fuulduree Oromiyaa gogiinsaa fi badii adda addaaf qopheessaa akka jiru addeeffame.

Uummatni Oromoo akka barbaadutti dachee isaas ta’ee qabeenya isaa hundaatti dhimma bahuu ka danda’u yoo abbaa biyyummaa isaa mirkaneeffate qofa akka ta’e ibsamee kana fiixaan baasuuf rakkoo hubatuun warra biraas hubachiisuu akkasumas qabsoo bilisummaa deggeruu malee filannoon biraa akka hinjirre himame.

Haala qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo irratti ibsa kenname ilaalchisee ABOn ka uumame rakkoo uummata Oromoo irraa waan ta’eef qabeenya Oromoo ta’uun isaa himamee qabsoo godhame irraa firiin haga ammaatti argames Oromummaan ofitti boonuun guddachuu isaa, Afaan Oromoo sadarkaa amma jiru irraan gahuu, dangaa Oromiyaa uumuu akkasumas Oromoo fi gaaffii Oromoon qabu addunyaatti beeksisuu akka ta’e dubbatame.

Dabalees Oromoon biyyaa guddaa ka qabu uummata guddaa waan ta’eef uummata impaayera Itoophiyaa bulchuuf ykn jalatti buluuf osoo hintaane bilisummaa isaa gonfachuu dhan ofii isaa akka of bulchu barbaada. Waan ta’eef ‘The Democratic Republic of Oromia’ ykn Oromiyaa demokraatofte ijaarratee olloota isaa waliin ilaa fi ilaameen akkasumas nagaan waliin jiraachuuf akka ta’e bal’naan ibsi yommuu kennamu kana fiixaan baasuuf sochii qabsoo bilisummaa geggeeffamaa jiru irraatti gufuuleen adda addaa keessaa fi alaan ABO quunnamaa akka turanii fi ammallee gufuuleen kun akka jiran addeessame. Kanaafuu rakkoo walgidduu jiru haasaan fixachuu akkasumas rakkoon alaa nuyi irra jiru ammoo cunqursaa fi bittaa alagaa waan ta’eef tokkummaa keenya ka kaayyoo bilisummaa irratti hundaa’e cimsinee diina of irraa kaasuu qabna jechuun ibsi kenname. Waan ta’eef hunda dura hawaasni Oromoo bakka bakkatti tokkummaa isaa cimsee afuura nagaa fi lammummaan walbira dhaabachuun akka irraa egamu himame.

Dhuma irrattis ummatni argame haasaa godhame hundatti gammachuu isaa ibsee gaaffii adda addaa gaafatuun mareen guutummaatti waliin geggeeffameera. Uummatni argame hundi qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo jabeessuuf yoomiyyuu taanaan akka duuba hindeebine ibseera. Fuuldurattis walgahii kana fakkaatu waliin geggeessuu akka barbaachisu akkasumas karaa hundaa walgahicha qindeessuuf miseensotni hawaasa ‘Germany’ waadaa galuu dhaan walgahichi raawwate.

Oromiyaan nibilisoomti!!

Koree ABO Awurooppaa

Ethiopia activist clubbed to death in 'politically motivated' murder

2010-04-22T11:32:00.000-07:00

Biyyansaa Dhaabaa is the second government opponent killed in a month in Ethiopia as "general election approache."

An opposition activist has been bludgeoned to death with a gun butt in the second politically motivated murder of Ethiopia's “election campaign”, it was claimed today.

Biyyansaa Dhaabaa was attacked and killed at home by members of the ruling party, according to Dr.Bulcha Demeksa, a leader of the opposition Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC).

"Biyyansaa Dhaabaa was beaten on 7 April with the butt of a gun," Bulcha told Reuters. "He died in hospital on 16 April. He was a very strong up-and-coming figure.

"Of course it was political. They asked him to stop converting people to OFC, they warned him many times. Why else would anyone beat him?"

Last month Aregawi Gebre-Yohannes, an opposition candidate for the eight-party coalition Medrek – of which the OFC is a member – was stabbed to death in what the opposition described as a political murder. The government insists that Aregawi was killed in a bar fight. A man has been sentenced to 15 years in jail for the crime.

Also earlier this month, Mr.Bekele Jirata, General Secretary of the Oromo Federalist (OFC), was sentenced to sentenced to 13 years in jail in absentia after being tried on charges of "supporting Oromo Liberation Front."

Government spokesmen were not available to comment but routinely deny that members of the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front intimidate the opposition.

The government has been accused by Human Rights Watch of waging a coordinated assault on political opponents, rights campaigners and journalists ahead of the national “elections on 23 May.”

A report by the group said journalists and activists have fled the country because of government repression. Some radio broadcasts by the Voice of America have been jammed.

Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at Human Rights Watch, said: "The ruling party and the state are becoming one, and the government is using the full weight of its power to eliminate opposition and intimidate people into silence."

The results of the last “elections” in 2005 were challenged by the opposition and some international observers. Street riots erupted, security forces killed at least 193 civilians and the main opposition leaders were imprisoned. The crime minister, Meles Zenawi, claimed they were trying to overthrow him.

The OFC and other parties representing the Oromo – Ethiopia's biggest ethnic group – say ruling party officials are again intimidating and jailing their members.

The government denies that it targets Oromo politicians and points to the fact that there are several Oromo government ministers and a ceremonial president of the country as proof.
Oromos, numbering 35m-40m of Ethiopia's 80m people, have not held power in modern history. Ethiopia has more than 80 ethnic groups.

Meles is from the Tigrayan ethnic group, who make up 6% of the population and dominate the political and military elite.

Analysts expect the Meles government to win the so called “election.”

Yaadannoo Guyyaa Gootota Oromoo 2010 ilaalchisee Ibsa Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo.

2010-04-15T05:20:00.000-07:00

ADDA BILISUMMAA OROMOO

Yaadannoo Guyyaa Gootota Oromoo
Guyyaan: 15 Caamsaa 2010

Miseensota Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo, deggertootaa fi ummata Oromoo maraaf nagaa qabsoo dhiheessina.

Guyyaan gootota Oromoo itti yaadannu, Caamsaan 15, seenaa ummata keenyaa keessatti bakka olaanaa qaba. Guyyaan kun kan nu yaadachiisu jaallan dirree falamaa irratti wareegaman qofa osoo hin taane kanneen guyyaa har’aa illee mootummaan garboonfataa ifaa fi dhoksaan murtii du’aa irratti dabarsaa jirtu hundaa seenaa fi gochaa gootuummaa isaan raawwatan mara.
Seenaa gootota keenya kufan yaadachuu hunda caalaa kan ifa godhu bilisummaa ofii gonfachuuf wareegamni kafalamu kamu qal’ii akka hin taane dha. Harr’a ammo cunqursaan nyaaphaa hammaataa dhufe qabsoo bilisummaa irra taree Oromoon adunyaa kana irra jiraachuuf wareegama lubbuu kafalaa akka jiran dhokataa miti. Kana irraa kan ka’e kanneen dogoggoraan yoo gaaffii bilisummaa Oromoo lagatan ajjeechaan kun ni dhaabata jedhanii yaadan dabranii dabranii mul’ataa jiru. Kun ammo dogoggora yaadaa akka ta’e hubatamuu qaba. Qabsoon bilisummaa Oromoo qabsoo badhaadhumma irraa dhufe osoo hin taane qabsoo mirga dhalootaaf jireenyaa ofii mirkaneeffatu ti.

Mootummaan alagaa kan biyya keenya qawween qabatee ummata keenya lafa irraa duguugaa jiru, qabeenya keenya saamaa jiru fi gaaffii Oromoo akka qabsoo faallaa nageenya biyyaattii godhee adunyaatti dhiheessuu fedhu kun nagaan biyya keenya irraa buqqa’a jedhanii yaaduun gowwummaa dha. Diinaa qawween biyya qabate qawween of irraa kaassan. Kanaaf jecha jaallan irbuu seenanii kaleessaa fi har’a Miseensota Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo, deggertootaa fi ummata Oromoo maraaf nagaa qabsoo dhiheessina.

Guyyaan gootota Oromoo itti yaadannu, Caamsaan 15, seenaa ummata keenyaa keessatti bakka olaanaa qaba. Guyyaan kun kan nu yaadachiisu jaallan dirree falamaa irratti wareegaman qofa osoo hin taane kanneen guyyaa har’aa illee mootummaan garboonfataa ifaa fi dhoksaan murtii du’aa irratti dabarsaa jirtu hundaa seenaa fi gochaa gootuummaa isaan raawwatan mara.
Seenaa gootota keenya kufan yaadachuu hunda caalaa kan ifa godhu bilisummaa ofii gonfachuuf wareegamni kafalamu kamu qal’ii akka hin taane dha. Harr’a ammo cunqursaan nyaaphaa hammaataa dhufe qabsoo bilisummaa irra taree Oromoon adunyaa kana irra jiraachuuf wareegama lubbuu kafalaa akka jiran dhokataa miti. Kana irraa kan ka’e kanneen dogoggoraan yoo gaaffii bilisummaa Oromoo lagatan ajjeechaan kun ni dhaabata jedhanii yaadan dabranii dabranii mul’ataa jiru. Kun ammo dogoggora yaadaa akka ta’e hubatamuu qaba. Qabsoon bilisummaa Oromoo qabsoo badhaadhumma irraa dhufe osoo hin taane qabsoo mirga dhalootaaf jireenyaa ofii mirkaneeffatu ti.

Mootummaan alagaa kan biyya keenya qawween qabatee ummata keenya lafa irraa duguugaa jiru, qabeenya keenya saamaa jiru fi gaaffii Oromoo akka qabsoo faallaa nageenya biyyaattii godhee adunyaatti dhiheessuu fedhu kun nagaan biyya keenya irraa buqqa’a jedhanii yaaduun gowwummaa dha. Diinaa qawween biyya qabate qawween of irraa kaassan. Kanaaf jecha jaallan irbuu seenanii kaleessaa fi har’a bilisummaa Oromiyaa deebisuuf wareegamaniif nuti warri lubbuun jirru ammoo daandii kana irraa osoo hin maqin dhaaba keenya ABO jabeessuun hanga walabummaa biyya keenyaa ragaasifinutti fuul dura haa tarkaanfannu.

Dhiigni jaallan dirree qabsoo bahaa fi dhiha, kaabaa fi kibba irratti dhangala’e tokkuummaa ilmaan Oromoo qaban ititaa ta’uu mirkaneessee jira. Harr’a nyaaphi bifa adda addaan ummata keenya gandaa fi amanttiin adda qooduuf olii fi gadi fiigaa jira. Shirri diinaa kun akka hin milkoofne ittisuun dirqama ilmaan Oromoo hundaa ti.

Hanga ammaatti walgahii gurguddaan, murna xixiqqaa fi nam-tokkeen akkuma dirqama keenya raawwachaa jirrutti guyyaa yaadannoo kanas kabajaa dhufneerra. Baranas bakka jirtaniitti, akkuma haalli isiniif hayyametti, gootota keenya akka yaadattanii ooltan isin yaadachiifna. Gumaan gootota keenyaa bilisummaa saba keenyaa ti waan ta’eef yaadannoo qofaa osoo hin taane wareegamnni isaaniis akka ija godhatu waan dandeessan maraan qabsoo finiinsuuf gargaarsa yaadaa, hamilee jabeessuu, dinagdee fi of kenninsa isin irraa eegamu gumaachuuf akka irbuu haareffattan gaafatna.

Oromiyaan ni bilisomti!

Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo
P.O.Box 21762, Washington DC, 20009, USA Tel: (202)-521-5653
E-mail: waajjira@oromoliberationfront.info

Ethiopia’s Kangaroo Court Sentences Oromo Political Prisoners to Death and Long Years in Prison

2010-04-03T23:11:00.000-07:00

According to OLF News report received from Finfinne (Addis Ababa), the 3rd Bench of the Woyane/Ethiopian Kangaroo Federal Court gave a death sentence to an Oromo nationalist and political prisoner, Mesfin Abebe Abdisa, and a life prison sentence to another Oromo nationalist and political prisoner, Tasfahun Camadaa Gurmessaa, on March 31, 2010. The court also gave a long term imprisonment of 10 years to 12 years to 13 other Oromo nationalists listed below.

1. Masfiin Abbabaa Abdiisaa, Death Sentence, Civil engineer.

Tasfaahuun Camadaa Gurmeessaa, Life Sentence, Civil engineer,

Baqqalaa Nagarii, 12 years without parole, Businessman in Addis Ababa,

Isheetuu Kitil, 12 years without parole, Businessman and owner of the Hawi Hotel (Finfinne),

Kabbadaa Booranaa, 12 years without parole, Senior Manager of Hilton Hotel, Addis Ababa,

Waabee Hajii, 12 years without parole, Lawyer with the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia,

Baqqalaa Jiraataa, 12 years without parole (in Absentia), General Secretary of OFDM and an employee of Oromia Water Resources,

Dajanee Dhaabaa, 12 years without parole, Trader,

Dajanee Booranaa, 12 years without parole (in Absentia), Brother of Mr. Kebede Borena,

Abarraash Yaadataa, 12 years without parole,

Roobaa Gaddafaa, 10 years without parole, Statistician and employee of Hibret Insurance

Baayisaa Huseen, 10 years without parole, High School student, Ambo,

Lalisee Wadaajoo, 10 years without parole, Journalist and wife of exiled television journalist, Dhabasa Wakjira, himself a former detainee,

Olaanii Jabeesaa, 10 years without parole,

Haayiluu Dalasaa, 10 years without parole, 3rd year Law student at Haromaya University.

Among the convicted, two of them, Tesfahun Chemeda and Mesfin Abebe, were apprehended by the Kenyan government and handed over to Woyane in April 2007, and have been severely tortured by the regime and finally brought to court in 2008. Many others have been falsely accused and abducted from their homes and their work places.

According to the latest Oromo Support Group Report:
Tesfahun Chemeda and Mesfin Abebe, both civil engineers, were in Nairobi seeking protection with UNHCR when they disappeared from Kenya in 2007. Human rights defenders in Nairobi believed that they had been abducted by Ethiopian security men and/or by Kenyan police in cooperation with the Ethiopian embassy. Their location was not known to their families for two years.

Mr. Bekele Jirata was the General Secretary of OFDM and was arrested by the regime on November 04, 2008. He had then been accused of having relations with OLF and stayed in prison before he was released on bail on February 04, 2009.

Mrs. Lelise Wodajo, a former journalist in the government-run Ethiopian TV and a mother of three, was arrested on November 14, 2008 and stayed in jail since then. Her husband, Mr. Dhabessa Wakjira, had also been jailed for more than three years and went to exile, after being released.

Aid for Arms in Ethiopia

2010-03-15T12:50:00.000-07:00

BBC News

4th march 2010

It was a charity appeal on a global scale. In 1985, an unprecedented array of performers took part in two marathon, televised concerts in Britain and the United States - all to raise money for a terrible famine in Ethiopia. And it worked. It's thought the concerts eventually generated about two hundred and fifty million dollars in donations from the public. But now, evidence has emerged that the aid agencies charged with distributing that money, were hoodwinked: that millions of dollars were diverted to buy weapons for rebels in Ethiopia - and that the United States knew this was going on. The BBC's Africa editor, Martin Plaut, investigates for Assignment.

To listen click -

Ethiopian troops inside Kenya. says MP

2010-03-13T08:56:00.000-08:00

An MP stirred the House with claims that Ethiopian troops were roaming in his constituency harassing his people; says Kenya MP.

Wajir North MP Hussein Gabo demanded to know whether the Government had surrendered the country’s sovereignty to the neighbouring nation.

"Mr Speaker, I demand to be told why Ethiopian troops are roaming in my constituency harassing innocent wananchi and pretending to be looking for OLM (Oromo Liberation Movement) fighters," he said.

The members took Foreign Affairs Minister Moses Wetang’ula to task by members when he stood to respond.

Mr Wetang’ula said there was an incident a fortnight ago whereby the Merille from Ethiopian pursued some alleged Kenyan cattle rustlers, which resulted in exchange of fire with Kenyan security officers at Todinyang.

Protest note

The minister said the issue had been dealt with and he had since sent a protest note over the incursions to the Ethiopian government.

On Wajir North, the minister said he had taken called his counterpart in Ethiopia and also written to him in protest.

"I have even organised a meeting between the government officials on both sides and when that takes place I will invite the member to attend," he added, adding the Defence ministry had been told to send troops there.

"Ethiopia is on a deteriorating human rights trajectory" Hurman Rights Watch Report 2010

2010-01-24T10:01:00.000-08:00

20th annual World Report summarizes human rights conditions in more than 90 countries and territories worldwide. It reflects extensive investigative work undertaken in 2009 by Human Rights Watch staff, usually in close partnership with human rights activists in the country in question.
Every government is at times tempted to violate human rights, but the global human rights movement has made sure that abuse carries a price. Still, some governments cannot resist trying to minimize that price by attacking human rights defenders, organizations, and institutions. The aim is to silence the messenger, to deflect pressure, to lessen the cost of committing human rights violations.

These efforts have yet to succeed, but the campaign is dangerous. Human Rights Watch calls on governmental supporters of human rights to help defend the defenders by identifying and countering these reactionary efforts. A strong defense of human rights depends on the vitality of the human rights movement now under assault.

Ethiopia

Ethiopia is on a deteriorating human rights trajectory as parliamentary elections approach in 2010. These will be the first national elections since 2005, when post-election protests resulted in the deaths of at least 200 protesters, many of them victims of excessive use of force by the police. Broad patterns of government repression have prevented the emergence of organized opposition in most of the country. In December 2008 the government re-imprisoned opposition leader Birtukan Midekssa for life after she made remarks that allegedly violated the terms of an earlier pardon.

In 2009 the government passed two pieces of legislation that codify some of the worst aspects of the slide towards deeper repression and political intolerance. A civil society law passed in January is one of the most restrictive of its kind, and its provisions will make most independent human rights work impossible. A new counterterrorism law passed in July permits the government and security forces to prosecute political protesters and non-violent expressions of dissent as acts of terrorism.

Political Repression and the 2010 Elections

As Ethiopia heads toward nationwide elections, the government continues to clamp down on the already limited space for dissent or independent political activity. Ordinary citizens who criticize government policies or officials frequently face arrest on trumped-up accusations of belonging to illegal "anti-peace" groups, including armed opposition movements. Officials sometimes bring criminal cases in a manner that appears to selectively target government critics, as when in June 2009 prominent human rights activist Abebe Worke was charged with illegal importation of radio equipment and ultimately fled the country. In the countryside government-supplied (and donor-funded) agricultural assistance and other resources are often used as leverage to punish and prevent dissent, or to compel individuals into joining the ruling party.

The opposition is in disarray, but the government has shown little willingness to tolerate potential challengers. In December 2008 the security forces re-arrested Birtukan Midekssa, leader of the Unity for Democracy and Justice Party, which had begun to build a grassroots following in the capital. The government announced that Birtukan would be jailed for life because she had made public remarks that violated the terms of an earlier pardon for alleged acts of treason surrounding the 2005 elections. The authorities stated that there was no need for a trial as the move was a mere legal technicality.

In July the Ethiopian government passed a new anti-terrorism law. The law provides broad powers to the police, and harsh criminal penalties can be applied to political protesters and others who engage in acts of nonviolent political dissent. Some of its provisions appear tailored less toward addressing terrorism and more toward allowing for a heavy-handed response to mass public unrest, like that which followed Ethiopia's 2005 elections.

Civil Society Activism and Media Freedom

The space for independent civil society activity in Ethiopia, already extremely narrow, shrank dramatically in 2009. In January the government passed a new civil society law whose provisions are among the most restrictive of any comparable law anywhere in the world. The law makes any work that touches on human rights or governance issues illegal if carried out by foreign non-governmental organizations, and labels any Ethiopian organization that receives more than 10 percent of its funding from sources outside of Ethiopia as "foreign." The law makes most independent human rights work virtually impossible, and human rights work deemed illegal under the law is punishable as a criminal offense.

Ethiopia passed a new media law in 2008 that improved upon several repressive aspects of the previous legal regime. The space for independent media activity in Ethiopia remains severely constrained, however. In August two journalists were jailed on charges derived partly from Ethiopia's old, and now defunct, press proclamation. Ethiopia's new anti-terror law contains provisions that will impact the media by making journalists and editors potential accomplices in acts of terrorism if they publish statements seen as encouraging or supporting terrorist acts, or even, simply, political protest.

Pretrial Detention and Torture

The Ethiopian government continues its longstanding practice of using lengthy periods of pretrial and pre-charge detention to punish critics and opposition activists, even where no criminal charges are ultimately pursued. Numerous prominent ethnic Oromo Ethiopians have been detained in recent years on charges of providing support to the outlawed Oromo Liberation Front (OLF); in almost none of these cases have charges been pursued, but the accused, including opposition activists, have remained in detention for long periods. Canadian national Bashir Makhtal was convicted on charges of supporting the rebel Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) in July, after a trial that was widely criticized as unfair; he was in detention for two-and-a-half years before his sentence was handed down, and he was unable to access legal counsel and consular representatives for much of that period.

Not only are periods of pretrial detention punitively long, but detainees and convicted prisoners alike face torture and other ill-treatment. Human Rights Watch and other organizations have documented consistent patterns of torture in police and military custody for many years. The Ethiopian government regularly responds that these abuses do not exist, but even the government's own Human Rights Commission acknowledged in its 2009 annual report that torture and other abuses had taken place in several detention facilities, including in Ambo and Nekemte.

Impunity for Military Abuses

The Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) has committed serious abuses, in some cases amounting to war crimes or crimes against humanity, in several different conflicts in recent years. Human Rights Watch is not aware of any meaningful efforts to hold the officers or government officials most responsible for those abuses to account. The only government response to crimes against humanity and other serious abuses committed by the military during a brutal counterinsurgency campaign in Gambella in late 2003 and 2004 was an inquiry that prosecuted a handful of junior personnel for deliberate and widespread patterns of abuse. No one has been investigated or held to account for war crimes and other widespread violations of the laws of war during Ethiopia's bloody military intervention in neighboring Somalia from 2006 to 2008.

In August 2008 the Ethiopian government did purport to launch an inquiry into allegations of serious crimes in Somali Regional State, where the armed forces have been fighting a campaign against the rebel Ogaden National Liberation Front for many years. The inquiry was sponsored by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, lacked independence, and concluded that no serious abuses took place. To date the government continues to restrict access of independent investigators into the area.

Relations in the Horn of Africa

In August the Eritrea-Ethiopia Claims Commission issued its final rulings on monetary damages stemming from the bloody 1998-2000 border war between Ethiopia and Eritrea. Nonetheless the two countries remain locked in an intractable dispute about the demarcation of the heavily militarized frontier. Eritrea continues to play a destabilizing role throughout the Horn of Africa through its efforts to undermine and attack the government of Ethiopia wherever possible. The government of President Isayas Afewerki hosts and materially supports fighters from Ethiopian rebel movements, including the Oromo Liberation Front. Eritrea has also pursued a policy of supporting armed opposition groups in Somalia as a way of undermining Ethiopia's support for the country's weak Transitional Federal Government.

Key International Actors

Ethiopia is one of the most aid-dependant countries in the world and received more than US$2 billion in 2009, but its major donors have been unwilling to confront the government over its worsening human rights record. Even as the country slides deeper into repression, the Ethiopian government uses development aid funding as leverage against the donors who provide it-many donors fear that the government would discontinue or scale back their aid programs should they speak out on human rights concerns. This trend is perhaps best exemplified by the United Kingdom, whose government has consistently chosen to remain silent in order to protect its annual £130 million worth of bilateral aid and development programs.

Donors are also fearful of jeopardizing access for humanitarian organizations to respond to the drought and worsening food crisis. Millions of Ethiopians depend on food aid, and the government has sought to minimize the scale of the crisis and restrict access for independent surveys and response.

While Ethiopia's government puts in place measures to control the elections in 2010, many donors have ignored the larger trends and focused instead on negotiating with the government to allow them to send election observers.

A significant shift in donor policy toward Ethiopia would likely have to be led by the US government, Ethiopia's largest donor and most important political ally on the world stage. But President Barack Obama's administration has yet to depart from the policies of the Bush administration, which consistently refused to speak out against abuses in Ethiopia. While the reasons may be different-the current government is not as narrowly focused on security cooperation with Ethiopia as was the Bush administration- thus far the practical results have been the same. The events described above attracted little public protest from the US government in 2009.

Kidnappings and Disappearances of Students in Southern Ethiopia | HRLHA

2010-01-11T02:14:00.000-08:00

An urgent appeal letter from the Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) – Urgent Action

In a recently launched wave of kidnappings and arrests against students in southern Ethiopia, three Oromo students of the Awassa University have so far disappeared; and the extra-judicial action against students is said to have continued.

According to HRLHA informants in the area,
1. Nagga Gezaw, second year Civil Engineering student, and
2. Dhaba Girre, third year Management student were kidnapped and taken away from the university campus by members of the security and police forces of the Federal Government of Ethiopia on the 5th of January 2010 while Jatani Wario, second year Co-operative student, was taken away from the campus in the same manner by the same kind of forces on the 6th of January 2010. The whereabouts of the three Oromo students were not known ever since they were kidnapped by the government security and police forces. HRLHA informants have learnt, though it has been difficult to trace and document, that there are more students that have faced the same fate and might be in the same situations as a result of these most recent extra-judicial actions.

According to some insiders, the kidnapping and disappearance of the three Oromo students of the Awassa University is related to the students’ movement taking place in Gujii/Borena Zone of Oromia Regional State – which was triggered by the alleged poisoning and contamination of local rivers and stream waters by uncontrolled and/or unregulated waste products from the activities of gold mining industry at Lega Dembi.

During the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of Ethiopia on December 9, 2009, the Ethiopian delegation testified in front of the member states that there were no human rights abuses in Ethiopia; and guaranteed that any form of human rights abuses would never be committed. However, within a one month time, the bad human rights record of the Ethiopian government has surfaced once again.

The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) expresses its deep concern over the safety and well-being of the three Oromo students and others. Given the very bad record of the Ethiopian prison officials and the worst situations of prisons in Ethiopia, as confirmed and reported on by many regional and international human rights agencies as well as diplomatic bodies, the case of the three Oromo students becomes very worrisome.

HRLHA calls upon governments of the West, all local, regional and international human rights agencies to join hands and demand the immediate halt of such kinds of extra-judicial kidnappings, mass arrest and imprisonment of innocent students and other civilians by the Ethiopian government.

The HRLHA is a non-political and non-profit organization that is engaged in challenging abuses of human rights of the people of various nations and nationalities in the Horn of Africa. It works on defending fundamental human rights including freedoms of thought, expression, movement and association. It also works on raising the awareness of individuals about their own fundamental human rights and that of others. It encourages the observances as well as due processes of law. It promotes the growth and development of free and vigorous civil societies.

Garoma Wakessa – Executive DirectorHuman Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA)

To
Crime Minister Meles Zenawi PO Box 1031 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel. 251 11 1552044 251 11 1552044 or 251 11 1113241 251 11 1113241 Fax: +251 11 1552030

Cc:
Ministry of Federal Affairs
Siraj FegisaP.o.Box 5718, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Tel 251 11 1512766 251 11 1512766 or 5159330
Ministry of Justice
Brihan Hailu
PO Box 1370, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Fax: +251 11 1517755
+251 11 1515099 or 15157950
Email: ministry-justice@telecom.net.et
Federal Commissioner of Police
Mr Workneh Gebeyehu, Federal Police Commission, Ministry of Federal Affairs
PO Box 5068, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

Simone Joseph – Foreign Affairs Officer
U.S. Department of State
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights & Labor
Washington, D.C. 20037
Tel: +1-202-261-8009 +1-202-261-8009
Fax: +1-202-261-8197
Joseph, Simone O (DRL) [mailto: JosephSO@state.gov ]

European Commission Delegation to EthiopiaPaola Cerea – Human Rights Project officerPaola.cerea@ec.europa.eu

Office of the High Commissioner for Human RightsUnited Nations Office at Geneva1211 Geneva 10, SwitzerlandFax: + 41 22 917 9022(particularly for urgent matters)E-mail: tb-petitions@ohchr.org

African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR)
48 Kairaba Avenue, P.O.Box 673, Banjul,
The Gambia.
Tel: (220) 4392 962 , 4372070, 4377721 – 23
Fax: (220) 4390 764
E-mail: achpr@achpr.org

Amnesty International – London
Telephone: +44-20-74135500 +44-20-74135500
Fax number: +44-20-79561157

Human Rights Watch – New York, Tel: +1-212-290-4700 +1-212-290-4700
Fax: +1-212-736-1300
Email: hrwnyc@hrw.org
Souce: HumanRightsLeague.com

Oromos Say No to Elections Announced by Ethio-Fascist Amhara and Tigray Butchers of Fake ´Ethiopia´

2010-01-09T14:28:00.000-08:00

By Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis January 09, 2010

In two previous articles titled ´Amhara, Tigray Tyrants Guilty of Racist Discrimination Against Oromos in Abyssinia (Fake Ethiopia)´ (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/1354520) and

End the Oromo Genocide in Ethiopia! Stop the Amhara - Tigray Agenda of Kushitic Mass Extermination!´ (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/135858), I republished parts of an overwhelming Memorandum submitted by the Oromo Parliamentarians Council to many international organizations, governmental bodies, diplomatic representations, political parties, cultural associations, and NGOs.

Under the original title ´Complaint Statement on Racial Discrimination of Political, Social and Cultural Rights of Oromos in Ethiopia´, the text makes state of an appalling situation that people allover the world simply cannot accept without being at the same time deprived of their own humanity.

In the first article, I republished the following parts of the devastating Memorandum: ´Introduction´, ´Background´, ´Ethiopia: Land of Silence and Human Rights Violations´, and ´Ethiopia: one ethnic minority manipulating majority´. In the second article, I republished the following parts ´Ethiopia: Land of Silence and Starvation´ and ´Political Rights´.

With the present article, I complete the republication of the Memorandum that makes clear to all that tolerance of, or indifference toward, the racist and criminal Amhara and Tigray Monophysitic (Tewahedo) Abyssinian elites is not an option for the civilized world.

The Amhara and Tigray Monophysitic (Tewahedo) Abyssinian gangsters represent less than 18% of the country´s population, and after having subjugated many Eastern African Kushitic and Nilo-Saharan nations (Oromos, Ogadenis, Afars, Sidamas. Kambaatas, Shekachos, Kaffas, Gedeos, Wolayitas, Hadiyas, Anuak, Nuer and Gumuz) and occupied their lands, they carried out an unprecedented, systematic, covered but multifaceted, cultural and physical, genocide against all of the aforementioned nations.

The unrepresentative, ethnic-based, pseudo-diplomats of Abyssinia, when supposedly representing Abyssinia (fallaciously renamed ´Ethiopia´), promote the Amhara and Tigray Monophysitic (Tewahedo) tribal agenda of East African mass extermination and facilitate the methodic genocidal plans that have long been undertaken by the Amhara ? Tigray (Semitic Abyssinian) tyrants against all of the aforementioned Kushitic and Nilo-Saharan nations.

This inhuman situation, which is the daily reality lived by more than 65 million people in the colonial state of Abyssinia, strikingly contradicts speeches full of democratic promises and lectures full of economic pledges hypocritically made by the administrations of Western capitals to either Europeans or Africans.

It is therefore imperative that European and North American administrations remove their support offered to the said racist and criminal tribes and setup a UN-sponsored investigation committee that would lead to cruel gangster Meles Zenawi´s impeachment and to Ethiopia´s ultimate and most demanded demolition and dismemberment.

In forthcoming articles, I will extensively analyze the possible options of the Oromo struggle for national liberation, independence and secession from the terminating colonial relic of Abyssinia, I will interview Oromo political leaders, and I will republish other enlightening Reports that make clear what sort of farcical elections the racist and criminal Amhara ? Tigray rulers intend to organize in few months.

Persecution

Oromo Journalists still in Detention since 2004

hiferaw Insermu (M) were both journalists working for the state owned TV on Afaan Oromo program. Both of them were arrested on April 30. 2004. Their residences were searched without warrant and their personal belonging including video cassettes and cameras, worth of thousands of Dollars were confiscated. They were severely tortured in Maikelawi detention centre they were transferred to Kerchele. Though the court released both of them on bail on August 6.2004 both of them remained in custody .This is one example of the violations of human rights and the right of free expression of ideas that is stated in the Ethiopian Constitution. The following are the pictures of the Oromo journalists suffer in Prison.

In Ethiopia the judiciary system is not free from politics. The government harasses judges who are not working for the ruling political party. They are under threat of losing their Job or torture if not complying with the state interest.The government discharged over 250 experienced Judges in 1997 under a cover of corruption.

Some Photos of Oromo Killed since November 2005

Names of Addis Ababa University Oromo Students Executed in Kerchelle Prison

Alamaayyoo Garbaa (M) ( AAU-Psychology)

Gaaddisaa Hirphasaa (M) (AAU-Civil Eng.)

Morkata Idosa (AAU Student)

Names of School Children Executed at Ambo High School of Western Showa Zone

Jaagamaa Badhaanee (M)

Kabada Badhasa (M)

Names of School Children Executed at Inango town of Western Wollega Zone

Melaku Fayisa (Inango high school)

Dabala Olika (Inango high school)

Photos of MTA, leaders and University Students Illegally Imprisoned

Leaders of Matcha and Tulama Association (MTA) still kept in detention after the court granted them to be released on bail.

Mangistu Dasta (General Secretary)

Tsaggaayee W/Yohaannis (Board member)

Photos of Addis Ababa University Oromo students still in detention

Bilisummaa Dabaree (Architecture)

Taayyee Danda´aa (Law ykn Seera)

Once again the TPLF/ EPRDF regime has deliberately organized and instigated armed attack on the Oromo. This time, the regime organized, trained, armed and unleashed militia from Gumuz, a nation in a region neighboring Oromia from the West, on wanton killings of the Oromos of East Wallaggaa, Western Oromia. This is a Crime against Humanity.

The Oromo and Gumuz peoples have lived together as good neighbors for hundreds of years. It is these neighboring peoples that the TPLF regime maliciously turned against each other causing days of violence that claimed the lives of more than 400 people, as a result of a campaign that went on from May 17, 2008 to May 19, 2008. The Gumuz militia attack on the unarmed civilian Oromos caused the death of hundreds and many more injuries and displacement of hundreds to people, and destruction of large amount of properties. The TPLF regime trained and armed Gumuz militia with AK-47 and heavy machine-guns and ordered them to commit indiscriminate killings of unarmed Oromo civilians of East Wallagaa. As a matter of the TPLF government's policy, the Oromos were disarmed and are not allowed to bear arms. The Gumuz militia attacked the unaware and unarmed civilians. Hundreds of Oromos were subjected to horrific and barbaric killings. The militia is said to be so heavily armed that the local police themselves had to flee along with the civilians. The relevant government body and armed forces were bystanders watching the massacre of the unarmed and defenseless Oromos.

Annex

Last, but not least, we call upon the international community and governments to exert all necessary pressures on the TPLF regime to desist from its inhuman and destructive policies of deliberately setting the people it purports to govern against each other. We also call on all concerned governments and international organizations to pay close attention to the crime against humanity the minority tyrannical TPLF regime is perpetrating in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa in general and take remedial actions before it is too late. We call European Union And USA government to stop all economic and material support for dictatorial regime.

Related with election 2005 and Uprising in Oromia: More than 400 Casulaties

In general, Oromo students are discriminately killed in Mana Sibu, Kilitu Kara, Inangoo, Bojii Dirmaji, Gimbi, Xiquri Inxini, Chalia, Ambo, Abay Choman, Horoo Guduru, Jaldu and in all Oromia districts: more than 400 people have been executed on cold-blooded murder.

Louis Michel with Meles Zenawi

June 14, 2008 (EMF) ? The European Commissioner for development and humanitarian aid, Louis MICHEL will provide 674 million Euro to Zenawi´s regime through its 10th Development Fund, day after HRW condemns the EU to accomplice Meles Zenawi´s crime against Humanity. The news is a shock to the EU parliament and members states, source close to EMF said. According to our sources, Louis MICHEL will be under fire as it is contrary to the parliament´s resolution. "We don´t allow tax payers money to be used for atrocities," an MPE said.
All Ethiopians are urged to write a protest letter to Louis Michel (Louis.Michel@ec.europa.eu), denouncing this irresponsible act.

Discrimination

1. Livelihood

There were credible reports that teachers and other government workers had their employment terminated if they belonged to opposition political parties. According to opposition groups OFDM and ONC, the Oromia regional government continued to dismiss their members--particularly teachers--from their jobs. The FDRE Constitution Article 38(2) grants the right of everyone to be a member of his own will in political organization, labour union, trade organization, or employers or professional association shall be respected if he or she meets special and general requirements stipulated by such organization.

2. Labour Rights

During the year the National Workers Federation for Crops, Fishery and Agro Industry reported that union leaders in the Oromia Region were harassed, intimidated, and imprisoned by regional police in collaboration with employers. The federation also reported that Kebele militia or local police killed activists working in a sugar cane project in the Afar Regional government, in Sabure Woreda, Awara Melka. The federation has submitted a formal letter requesting the government to investigate, but no investigation had been conducted by year's end. FDRE constitution Article 42(1) protects the right to form trade unions, associations, organisation or what ever collectively. But to get any job the government forced to be a ruling party member. Because of that thousands of Oromo intellectuals are lost their jobs.

3. Public Health

The statistical information of comparison Government´s home Tigray and Oromia showed the government´s discriminatory social care. That is, infant mortality rate (death /1000 births) is 116 in Oromia, while 104 in Tigray, under the age of five (mortality rate /1000 births) is 195 in Oromia, while 170 in Tigray; % of children fully vaccinated in the year 2000 shows that Oromia is only 10 %, while Tigray is 42%. Tigray has more than four times the vaccination rate for Oromia. The result is that far more children in Oromia are likely to die of preventable childhood diseases than in all other regions in Ethiopia.

Percentage of house holds possessing bed nets in Oromia is only 0.3%, while Tigray is 3.1%, even though Oromia is more susceptible to Malaria. Population to physician´s ratio Oromia is 1:60,835, while Tigray is 1: 28,614.

People and power aired on 21 February 2009 that heavily polluted water from Koka Lake at the heart of Oromia glows a toxic green algae. Most of the fish are dead and the thousands of people who have no choice but to drink the lake's water each day are left to deal with a range of problems from babies born with birth defects to chronic diarrhea. According Article 41(4) of FDRE constitution, the state has the obligation to allocate ever-increasing resources to provide to the public health, education and other social services.

4. Education

According to the above-mentioned statistics, the enrolment ratio of children for primary education (Grade 1-8), Oromia is 62.8%, while Tigray is 77.6%. Secondary education enrolment (grade 9-12) of the same year, 2002, Oromia is 11.6%, while in Tigray is 24.8%.

5. Budget allocation and infrastructure

TPLF ethnic based government of Ethiopia from the beginning still now use unfair and un proportional government subside for Regional states and infrastructural and capacity building, In 2006/2007 Federal budgets subside for Oromia, 3,000,000,000 birr or per Person 50 birri, for Tigray 824,000,000 birr or per person 500 birr, In 2008/2009 Federal subside for Oromia 5,774,760,000 or per person 45 birr, for Tigray 1,175,590,000 per person 700 biir. With in 17 years the TPLF government in small territory of Tigray constructed 5 international Air Ports but for biggest regional state of Oromia is not constructed any Air port. Universities, Road, Pure water constriction, Telecommunications and electric power distributions also unfair and totally constructed in Tigray.

6. Religion

Authorities continued to ban Waka-Feta, a traditional animist Oromo religious group, because unsubstantiated suspected that it has links to the Oromo Liberation Front. Article 27(1) of FDRE constitution grants freedom of religion.

7. National Defense

FDRE constitution of Article 87(1) indicates that the composition of the national armed forces shall reflect the equitable representation of the nations, nationalities and peoples of Ethiopia. However, the only source of temporary stability of the current government rests on the regime's total control over the military and security forces and its readiness to use it without hesitation consequently the military remained an ethnically Tigrayans dominated the senior officer corps through preferential promotions. In 2007 more than 20,000 ethnic Oromo were totally removed form the army form Generals up to army.

Conclusion

The Office of the Ombudsman has the authority to receive and investigate complaints with respect to misadministration by executive branch offices. The office received hundreds of complaints this year, mainly focused on delays or denials in services, improper institutional decisions, promotions or demotions, and pension issues. It is not known which complaints were investigated or acted upon.

Ethiopia ratified the international convention on the Elimination of all forms of racial discrimination in 1976, and the Ethiopian constitution also prevents racial discrimination. However, the TPLF-led Ethiopian government has not yet put fully into place mechanisms for effective enforcement of these protections. Oromo Parliamentarian Council pleads the Human Right´s Watch Group to do all pressure on the Ethiopian government so that it respects its own constitution, international treaties and covenants it has signed and ratified.

Dr. Getachew Jigi

Chairman of Oromo Parliamentarians Council

Note

You can contact the Oromo Parliamentarians Council here:
Gumii Paarlaamaa Oromoo (GPO),
Oromo Parliamentarians Council (OPC)
Sint-Jobstraat 43, 2060 Antwerpen, Belgium
Tel. 00 32 488 47 93 60 00 32 488 47 93 60
Email: infogpo@yahoo.com

Website: www.oromoparliamentarians.org

End the Oromo Genocide in Ethiopia! Stop the Amhara - Tigray Agenda of Kushitic Mass Extermination!

2010-01-08T15:00:00.001-08:00

By Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis

In a previous article titled ´Amhara, Tigray Tyrants Guilty of Racist Discrimination Against Oromos in Abyssinia (Fake Ethiopia).

(http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/1354520), I republished part of an overwhelming Memorandum submitted by the Oromo Parliamentarians Council to many international organizations, governmental bodies, diplomatic representations, political parties, cultural associations, and NGOs.

Under the original title ´Complaint Statement on Racial Discrimination of Political, Social and Cultural Rights of Oromos in Ethiopia´, the text makes state of an appalling situation that people allover the world simply cannot accept without being at the same time deprived of their own humanity.

In the first article, I republished the following parts of the devastating Memorandum: ´Introduction´, ´Background´, ´Ethiopia: Land of Silence and Human Rights Violations´, and ´Ethiopia: one ethnic minority manipulating majority´.

In the present article, I will republish further parts of the Memorandum that makes clear that tolerance of, or indifference toward, the racist and criminal Amhara and Tigray Monophysitic (Tewahedo) Abyssinian elites is not an option for the civilized world.

The Amhara and Tigray Monophysitic (Tewahedo) Abyssinian gangsters represent less than 18% of the country´s population, and after having subjugated many Eastern African Kushitic and Nilo-Saharan nations (Oromos, Ogadenis, Afars, Sidamas. Kambaatas, Shekachos, Kaffas, Gedeos, Wolayitas, Hadiyas, Anuak, Nuer and Gumuz) and occupied their lands, they carried out an unprecedented, systematic, covered but multifaceted, cultural and physical, genocide against all of the aforementioned nations.

The unrepresentative, ethnic-based, pseudo-diplomats of Abyssinia, when supposedly representing Abyssinia (fallaciously renamed ´Ethiopia´), promote the Amhara and Tigray Monophysitic (Tewahedo) tribal agenda of East African mass extermination and facilitate the methodic genocidal plans that have long been undertaken by the Amhara – Tigray (Semitic Abyssinian) tyrants against all of the aforementioned Kushitic and Nilo-Saharan nations.

This inhuman situation, which is the daily reality lived by more than 65 million people in the colonial state of Abyssinia, strikingly contradicts speeches full of democratic promises and lectures full of economic pledges hypocritically made by the administrations of Western capitals to either Europeans or Africans.

It is therefore imperative that European and North American administrations remove their support offered to the said racist and criminal tribes and setup a UN-sponsored investigation committee that would lead to cruel gangster Meles Zenawi´s impeachment and to Ethiopia´s ultimate and most demanded demolition and dismemberment.

In forthcoming articles, I will complete the republication of the extraordinary Memorandum.

E t h i o p i a: L a n d o f S i l e n c e a n d S t a r v a t i o n

Malas Zenawi uses famine as bullet to killed poor people.

A famine is growing across Ethiopia, but the government is clamping down on information - even ejecting aid agencies that could help bring aid for fear of provoking unrest and losing their grip on power; Finally, after months of mystifying delays, the government announced in late October that 6.2 million people needed emergency aid; but the realty is nowadays 12 to 18 million people needs aid.

Meles Zenawi is responsible for unlawful war against Eritrea and Somalia which the country lost 120 thousands life and scours economy which bring greet inflation in Ethiopia for first time.

Meles Zenawi state terrorist still not ready to accept the international borders committee dissection for peace with Eritrea. Meles straggle sanctions on Eritrea through his USA friends. Any sanctions on Eritrea automatically can bring destabilization and collapses of the Horn African states

P o l i t i c a l R i g h t s

The FDRE constitution of Article 38 grants the right to Vote and to be elected. It provides citizens the right to change their government peacefully, and citizens exercised this right in practice through generally free and fair elections held on the basis of universal suffrage; however, violence and intimidation of voters and elected parliamentarian were observed.

In practice, the EPRDF ruling party dominated the government.

Elected parliamentarians and members of other political parties were subjected to executions or other acts of inhumanity. For instance, Mr. Adane was an elected member of the Ethiopian parliament representing the Oromo Peoples Congress Party (OPC). A week after the election of may 2005 a police shot and killed Mr. Adane in Arsi Negele town.

The Oromo people have used their constitutional rights to elect the person or party they wanted. However, the ruling party EPRDF is being dominated by the Tigrean Peoples Liberation (TPLF) did not want to see the strong opposition in the government. That is why they killed Mr. Adane who represented the people who elected him.

Police began harassing the parliamentarians after a February 2006 regional council meeting. There were no developments in the 2006 beatings of one regional parliamentarian of the Oromo Federal Democratic Movement (OFDM) and five of the Oromo National Congress.

We MPE faced all types of torches, imprisonment, confiscations of property and so much more due to our commitment to the rule of law in the country. As we were not allowed to speak in the parliament, except sitting and listening to the ruling party agenda and observing the so-called majority vote approval of the laws we tried to demonstrated out biggest pain by tying our mouth with cloth before the delegates of all countries, which did nothing but enhanced our persecution.
In due time, many were imprisoned without due process of the law, in history of Ethiopia 11 MPs of Oromo national origin left the country, after they faced all unbelievable persecution in their life including their families and friends .

1. MP. Dr. Getachew Jigi
2. MP Mr. Abiyot Kebede
3. MP. Mr. Teshome Bedasa
4. MP. Mr. Akasa Kisy
5. MP. Mr. Chala Bekele
6. MP. Mr. Siraji Husen
7. MP. Mr. Tafara Lagasa
8. MP. Mr. Girma Chala
9. MP. Mr. Lebeta Fufa
10. RMP. Ms Sara Mamo
11. Mr. Gezehny Bekel

On September 13, 2007, police beat regional parliamentarian Wegayehu Dejene of Me´ea District, Oromia Region, and his family members. Wegayehu filed several complaints with local authorities, but no action had been taken till now

Ms. Biraanee Dhufeeraa, Ms. Isqeel Gamada and Mr. Asfaw Banti were students supporters of Oromo Federalist Movement (OFDM) and were killed at Kiltu Karra district of Western Wollega Zone of Oromia region on 21 December 2005 by the security forces.

The Oromo Parliamentarian Council is informed that militias´ head of the district, named Waagari Jigi, ordered the killing of the OFDM supporters and wounded many others students like Damaye Olana, Abdi Umataa, Ifee Mardasa in Kiltu Karra district.

Oromo students are discriminately killed in Inangoo 2, Bojii Dirmaji 2, Gimbi 5, Xiquri Inxini 2, Chalia 3, Ambo 1; and in Jaldu district 3 students were killed in cold-blooded murder.

There was no investigation into the 2006 killing by federal police of 15 demonstrators in the East Wallega zone, Guduru District.

Until now the Oromo students in all universities are targeted for disappearing and killing.

During the year some political leaders, including federal and regional MPs, were discouraged from traveling to their constituencies to meet with supporters, although others visited constituents without incident.

For example, OFDM chairman Bulcha Demeksa was persuaded not to visit his constituency in Wellega district, Oromiya Region, because the government told him his security could not be guaranteed. Some local officials blocked some opposition MPs´ access to their constituencies, arguing that as federal MPs, they had no reason to visit.

In February 2008, before the local elections, ruling party cadres detained an opposition member and candidate for seven times during the 15 days following his registration as a district candidate in Western Oromia. They alternately threatened to fire him from his teaching job, relocate him to a rural site, and kill him and his children.

On March 2, 2008, the opposition Oromo People´s Congress party reported that Degaga Gebissa, a party member from Meta-Robi District, Oromia Region, was taken from his house by police, shot and killed. Police allegedly refused to allow an autopsy or to provide any information to OPC party officials.

On March 9, 2008 police and local officials beat federal parliamentarian Gutu Mulisa while he campaigned for the OPC in Elfeta District, Oromia Region. Gutu filed a complaint with Elfeta District Police. At year's end, the case was still pending.

In January 2007, the Ethiopian government militias collected many Oromos from different parts of Oromia, arrested them, and transferred them in an illegal prison camp known as China camp, in Meso, in Hararge zone. The people arrested were suspected of being members or supporters of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). OPC learned that many of these political prisoners were killed on the hill called Gara Sufi, close to Meso town, in east Oromia.

About 20 Oromos were killed on the Gara Sufi, and were thrown for hyenas to be eaten. The Voice America Radio Afaan Oromo Program made an interview with families of the victims. (Audio clips from VOA can be supplied).

Ayisha Ali, Kadijjaa Usuman is the wife of the late Obbo Ahmed Mohhamed Kuree from Mi´essoo. She and her late husband have nine children - eight girls and one boy whom she just stopped breastfeeding.

The TPLF government is also active in refuge murder in the wider Horn of Africa area. The Ethiopian security forces, with the support of Kenya, Somalia, Sudan and Djibouti governments, deport Oromo political refugees also harassing them in the abroad. In 2008 Somalia´s Puntland (Bossasso) 65 Oromos were killed, 100 wounded, and 250 homes were burned down by Ethiopia army.

The Meles Zenawi Government to change the people´s image uses all methods of conflicts, civil or international, regular or irregular. With the TPLF, regime-instigated conflict between Guji Oromos and Konsos took place, and 40 people lost their lifes, dozens were wounded, and properties were destroyed.

In the historic place of Madda Walabu, many Oromos have lost their historical territories and hundreds lost their lives. In Messo and many other places, a scheme was prepared by the government to involve Oromos and Somalis in conflict, and in the process many civilian Oromos were murdered by the well armed groups.

In Wondo Genet more than 40 Oromos were killed by raids.

Between May 17 and 19, 2008, the Gumuz militias of the regional state of Benshangul/Gumuz, backed by TPLF regime, mercilessly and with no pretext attacked numerous unarmed Oromo civilians, burnt down their houses, indiscriminately killed and amputated elders and children, thus forcing thousands to flee their homes.

According to information received, about 400 people have been killed in the process; 65 people were killed in Haroo Waataa village of Saasiggaa alone. No less than 115 dead bodies were found and buried in just four mass graves. The remaining bodies are either burned by the perpetrators or eaten by wild dogs and hyenas. Over 12000 people have left their homes and camped in Naqamtee town and at the surroundings of a primary school, in the Saasiggaa district.

As of 30/10/2008, the TPLF-led Ethiopian government has put under unlawful detention more than 100 Oromos in different cities of Oromiya, including the capital city, under the notorious pretext of supporting the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF).

It is the high time for all international and governmental bodies worldwide to interfere in the unprecedented Human Rights violations perpetrated against the Oromo Nation, and thus secure their constitutional freedom.

(To be continued)

Note

You can contact the Oromo Parliamentarians Council here:

Gumii Paarlaamaa Oromoo (GPO),
Oromo Parliamentarians Council (OPC)
Sint-Jobstraat 43, 2060 Antwerpen,
Belgium Tel. 00 32 488 47 93 60 00 32 488 47 93 60
Email: infogpo@yahoo.com
Website: http://www.oromoparliamentarians.org/

Note

Picture: the administrative provinces of the colonial state of Abyssinia do not represent the real borders of the subjugated Afar, Oromo, Ogadenis and Southern nations; they only represent the villainous and criminal desire of the ruling racist Amharas to create a fake Amhara region enlarged in order to incorporate lands that do not belong to them. The real Amhara state that will be left after the secession of Ogaden, Afar, Oromos and the Southern peoples will have less than half the size of the fake province. Following the dissolution of Abyssinia, the Tigray region will be incorporated in Eritrea

2010-01-08T01:31:00.000-08:00

4th London International Oromo WorkshoP On 3 July 2010

At City University London

Call for papers

The scramble for land, ‘investment’ and environmental degradation in Oromia: consequences for the future.As the world population is growing food security is becoming one of the most challenging issues facing the world leading to a global scramble for lucrative farmlands. Subsequently, some governments and private investors are buying up farmland in Africa and Asia to grow not only food but other commercial products. This high-stakes game of real-life monopoly of farmland is leading to ‘neo-colonialism’.

Oromia is an oasis on the frontline of the ever expanding Sahara desert. Its ecosystem is very fragile and requires delicate balancing act in terms of the environment and its sustainability. Notwithstanding this, the Ethiopian regime has already leased millions of hectares of fertile Oromo farmland to foreign investors by displacing Oromo farmers from their lands. For example, Saudi Arabia is one of the biggest and most aggressive buyers of land. This spring, the king of Saudi Arabia attended a ceremony where he took delivery of the first export rice harvest, produced exclusively for the Kingdom in hunger-stricken Ethiopia. The lowlands of Oromia, where higher rainfall assists the cultivation of grains, flower plantations and bio-fuel crops, are particularly vulnerable.

Land in Oromia is not only being sold to capitalists for the purpose of industrial-scale farming but also being invaded from many directions, including by the so-called investors, mining companies, extensive re-settlement as well as urbanisation programmes without due respect for protection of the environment.

What is more, it is not known if these companies carry out environmental impact assessments or do anything to protection the ecosystem. The environmental impact of such unregulated large-scale farming is alarming. Evidence is emerging that underground water and rivers are being severely polluted from unregulated pesticides use by commercial flower plantations as a result of which a number of people are dying.

On the other hand, there are some who argue that the activities of the investors may help poor nations to achieve the development and modernization of their ailing agricultural sectors, and that the foreign investors will be able to produce enough food for the overpopulated planet. However, its negative environmental and societal impacts on the indigenous people deserve a serious attention. The issue of land property rights in territories such as Oromia is complex and driving farmers from their ancestral land can lead to a serious societal breakdown.

This one-day multidisciplinary workshop will examine the scale of the problem and the environmental degradation, economic, social and health problems facing the Oromo people as the result of the farmland wholesale to foreign investors and will aim to formulate a consensus on how to mitigate its burden on the Oromo people.

The London International Oromo Workshop 2010 Organizing Committee invites proposals for this one-day workshop addressing research areas related to the conference theme.

Researchers can submit workshop proposals to partake as panellist at the Workshop via email: oromo.international@yahoo.co.uk by 15th March 2010.

WORKSHOP ORGANIZING COMMITTEE

Dhaamsa Waggaa Haaraa Hayyu Duree ABO Irraa

2010-01-03T02:46:00.000-08:00

ADDA BILISUMMAA OROMOO
OROMO LIBERATION FRONT
Guyyaa: 31 Mudde 2009 Lakk:0280/ABO/09

Dhaamsa Waggaa Haaraa Hayyu Duree ABO Irraa

Jaallan, sabboontonni, deggertoonni qabsoo fi lammiin Oromoo martinu,
Dursee maqaa dhaaba keenya Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo (ABO) fi hooggana dhaaba keenyaan baga nagaan waggaa haaraa geessanin isiniin jedha.

Barri tokko xumuramee gara isaa haaraatti yeroo qaxxaamuru akka abbatokkeettis ta’e akka dhaabaatti xiqqoo dhabbannee haala keessa jirru xiinxaluun bara dhufaa jiruuf of qopheessuutu nu irraa eegama.

Waggaa xumuraa jirru kana keessa qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo dagaagsuuf qabsaawoti bilisummaa Oromoo wareegama ulfaataa kafalaniin bifa adda addaan milkiilee hedduun kan keessatti galmaa’an ture. Haa ta’u malee rakkooleen turanii fi gufuuleen haaraan qabsoo keenya qormaata hamaa keessa galchan nu hin qunnamne jechu miti.

Mootummaa garboonftaan Habashaa kan ilmaan Tigreen durfamaa jiru hacucaa ummata keenyaa fi qabeenyaa Oromoo saamuu qofa osoo hin taane jireenyuma saba keenyaa iyyuu dhabamsiisuuf qarree gubbaan ga’ee jira jechuun ni danda’ama. Kessumaa haala kanaan dura argamee hin beekneen warra abbaa qabeenyaa baar-gamaa waliin maamilumaa tolfatee lafa Oromoo gurguraa jiraachuun hedduu kan nu yaaddeesu dha.

Lafti gurguramaa jiru kun kan magaalaa fi lafa albuuda qabu irra taree lafa qonnaa fi bosonaa hunda dabalatee jira. Gochaan kun ummatni Oromoo beela, deega, dhukkuba golfaa fi rorroon saaxilamee yeroo jirutti alagaan lafa keenya irra midhaan qotate biyya isaatti akka fe’atu taasisee jira. Albudaan akka warqee fi kaanis tujaarota qondaalota wayyaaneetti shariika ta’aniin gartuu fi nam-tokkeen saamamaa jira.

Misooma baadiyyaa babal’isuuf qonnaa industreessuu haguuggii jedhuun gurgurtaan lafaa bal’inaan geggeeffamaa jiru Oromoota qe’ee isaani fi mana isaanii irraa godaansisaa jira. Qonna baranee babal’isuun kun Oromoo lafa isaa irraa buqqisuu fi maqaa hojjetaatiin dhufanii badiyyaa Oromiyaa keessatti qubsuma dhaabbataaf kan karaa anjjessu taha. Kunis yoo itti dhiifame sabboonummaa Oromoo kan itti lamsheessanii fi Oromiyaa biyyi jedhamus akka hin jiraanne itti gufachisanii fi qabeenyaa nama hundaa taasisuuf tattaafataa jiran jechuu dha. Bakka mirgi siyaasaa abbaa biyyummaa ummata tokkoo hin mirkaawinitti sochiin akkasii kun dantaa koloneeffataa tiksuu irra dabree ummata kan fayyadu hin ta’u.

Bara dabre duula cunqursa dinagdee irratti dabalee saba Oromoo shororkeessanii bulchuuf dulli deemsisfamu daran hammaate malee hin laaffanne. Ummatni Oromoo xiqqaa fi guddaan, jaarsaa fi ijoolleen, dhiiraa fi dubartiin kumaan lakkaa’aman mana hidhaa Wayyaanee keessatti dararama arganii fi arga jiran lakkoofsi isaanii dabalee jira.

Kanneen hidhaa kana irraa oolanis biyya irraa baqatanii biyyoota ollaa keessatti balaa suukaneessaa garaagaraaf kan saaxilaman xiqqaa miti. Fakkeenyyaaf, lammiiwwan keenya, Bosaasoo Somaliyaa fi Yemenitti mirgi baqattummaa isaanii dhowwatamee dararamni kana hin jedhamne irra gahee fi gahaa jiru gadda guddaan yaadanna.

Saamichi fi cunqursi akkasumas dararamni ummata keenya irra gahaa jiru hanga sirni boojuu Itoophiyaa jirutti kan ittifufu ta’uun beekkamaa dha. Haala kana jijjiruun kan danda’amus qabsaawotni bilisummaa Oromoo tokkummaa galii ummatanii dhaaba ABO gurmuu isaa deebisanii jabeessuun gamtaan qabsoo finiinsuu yoo dandanda’an qofa jenne amanna.

Ummatni Oromoo biyya ambaa jiraatus walitti dhihaatee rakkoolee QBO irraa calaqisan furuuf walmarii bifa adda addaa geggeessuun ni feesisa jennee amana. Tokkummaa fi hawaasummaan Oromoo tokkumaa siyaasaatiin olaanaa ta’uun hubatamee waldhabdee gartuulee siyaasaa garaagaraatiin hawaasummaan Oromoo jeeqamuu hin qabu. Tokkumaan ummata keenyaa gaaffii fardii ta’uun dagatamuunis irra hin jiru. Kanaaf, gartuulee siyaasaa dhageeffachuun garaagarummaa siyaasaa sadarkaa jibba ummatumaatti jijjiruun midhaa hamaa egeree ummatichaa irratti qabaatu hubatamee lootee galtuun alagaan mindaan bitee ummata Oromoo keessa facaasee nagaa keenya jeequuf yaalaa jiru akka hin milkoofne taasisuun hunda keenya irraa eegama.

Gama kaaniin alagaan fira fakaatee kaayyoo QBO kan bilisummaa irra kachisuuf tattaaffii karaa adda addaa godhuun isaa ifatti kan mul’ataa ture ammas mul’atuuf jiru dha. Gartuun kun akkuma yakkii mootummaa Tigree addunyaatti saaxil baha deemuun duula isaanii ol kaasuun waan hin hafne. Duula kana ittisuuf murteessaan kaayyoo ganamaatti cichanii ciminaan qabsaawuu tahu wal yadachisuun barbaachisaa dha. Kayyoon walabummaa biyya keenyaa iggitii sabboonummaa Oromoo, gaachanaa fi ittisa gurmuu sabaa fi biyya Oromiyaa ti. Kaayyoo kana dabarsanii kennuun mirga haaraa dhiifnaan mirga hanga armmaa argame iyyuu balaaf akka saaxilu dagatuun hin feesisu.

Kanaaf, waggaa haaraan 2010 waggaa gurmuun ABO fi kan qabsaawota bilisummaa Oromoof dhaabbatanii itti jabaatu, daba diinnii mooraa qabsoo keenya keessatti raawatu itti fashalu, rorroo diinaaf osoo hin jilbeenfatin injifatnoo itti galmesinu akka ta’u hawwii kiyyan ibsa.

Oromiyaan ni bilisomti!

Dhugasaa Bakakkoo

Hayyu Duree ABO

Source: oromoliberation.info

Baga Waggaa haaraan isin ga'e. Bara Injifannoo argannee Oromian itti walaboomtu nuuf haa ta'u!!

2010-01-01T03:23:00.000-08:00

Human Rights in Ethiopia: Through the Eyes of the Oromo Diaspora

2009-12-22T16:12:00.000-08:00

Report
A 96-page report documents the human rights violations against the Oromo people in Ethiopia under three successive regimes.

The Advocates for Human Rights’ report, Human Rights in Ethiopia: Through the Eyes of the Oromo Diaspora, documents the experiences in Ethiopia of members of the Oromo diaspora throughout three successive political regimes. The long arm of human rights violations reaches directly into diaspora communities, including the Oromo, who reported a widespread belief that e-mail communication to Ethiopia is read by the Ethiopian government, that telephone conversations are overheard, and that the Ethiopian government monitors the activities of diaspora members in the United States. Oromos interviewed for the report also described decades of human rights violations in Ethiopia, including arbitrary arrest, incommunicado detention, torture, and extra-judicial executions. Reports of widespread surveillance and interference with rights to freedom of association, assembly, expression, conscience, and the press were pervasive. Oromos reported that the current Ethiopian government’s federal system has served to isolate ethnic communities, including the Oromo, leaving them even more vulnerable to human rights violations.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

The history of Ethiopia is steeped in human rights abuses by the government against its people, including members of the Oromo and other ethnic groups. Ethiopian regimes, from the Abyssinian empire to the present, have sought to consolidate power by repressing the political and cultural activities of the Oromo people and that of the many other ethnic groups which make up Ethiopia’s population. The Abyssinian empire, backed by European arms, sought to colonize the territory traditionally held by the Oromo and other ethnic minorities. The Marxist Derg, which seized control from Emperor Haile Selassie in 1974, was dominated by Mengistu Hailemariam. Mengistu ruthlessly eliminated rivals, consolidated power, and erected a state security apparatus that continues to be used today.

The current Ethiopian government, which came to power in 1991, is no exception. The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (“EPRDF”), dominated by members of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (“TPLF”), moved quickly to identify and eliminate its rivals. It called for its most likely challenger, the Oromo Liberation Front (“OLF”), to participate in a new coalition government. The EPRDF’s move not only allowed it to appear open to political power-sharing in the regime’s early days, it brought the OLF leadership and members into the open. By 1993, when the OLF finally split with the EPRDF, OLF leadership and members had been identified. By the end of 1993, the EPRDF had arrested approximately 20,000 suspected OLF members, driven most OLF leadership into exile, and effectively neutralized the OLF as a political force in Ethiopia.

The Ethiopian government has built on its predecessor’s infrastructure of repression. Torture of dissidents by the current regime, including extreme physical violence and psychological torture, was reported by those interviewed for this report. Sexual violence also was reported. In addition, extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests, prolonged detention, and confinement in inadequate prison conditions reportedly have continued under the EPRDF. Basic protections of due process, including notice of charges against those accused, are absent, and the judiciary faces pressure from the government.

The state surveillance apparatus erected under the Derg continues to result in restrictions on Ethiopians’ rights to freedom of association, privacy, movement, and property. Alleged ties to the OLF may serve as justification for arrest, detention, firing, expulsion, or confiscation of property. The government continues to monitor Ethiopians and conduct surveillance through the neighborhood associations, or kebeles, that were established by the Derg and served as the local apparatus of state security. A perception that all communications by phone, post, or email are monitored by the government is nearly universal. New restrictions have been placed on foreign funding of non-governmental organizations. Press restrictions and intimidation of the press continues. Elections held in 2005 and 2008 were marred by violence and intimidation.

The EPRDF’s main political strategy has been that of ethnic federalism as a means of amassing control. This policy has provided a veneer of autonomy to Ethiopia’s ethnic groups while eroding those groups’ political power and potential for challenging the EPRDF and further consolidating state power. The policy of ethnic federalism has had a negative impact on the basic economic, social, and cultural rights of Ethiopians.

The government’s tactics have extended to the educational system, where Oromo teachers and students face harassment and intimidation on suspicion of association with the OLF. Reports of monitoring, termination, or arrest of Oromo teachers and students were common. The mandatory use of the Oromo language in schools, reversing the decades old policy prohibiting instruction in any language other than Amharic, has not apparently lessened government suspicion that people who speak or write in the Oromo language support the OLF. The requirement of instruction in Oromo has also reportedly led to a decrease in educational opportunities for Oromo students, who are now at a disadvantage in the higher education system where Amharic or English is required.

Another impact of the Ethiopian government’s ethnic federalism policies has been the relocation of Oromo farmers. A belief that the relocation programs have economically benefited Tigray and Amhara people to the detriment of the Oromo was reported. The forced relocation has also placed resources in the Oromo region under strain, resulting in denial of rights to adequate shelter, water, food, and health care.

As Ethiopia moves toward national elections in 2010, the people of Ethiopia have the opportunity to hold the government accountable for its human rights record in Ethiopia. At the same time, the Government of Ethiopia has the opportunity to demonstrate its commitment to ending decades of human rights violations and respecting its obligations to uphold international human rights standards.

Recommendations

• The Government of Ethiopia should immediately cease the use of torture in its prisons, kebele offices, and other places of detention.
• The Government of Ethiopia should ensure that all persons detained by the Government are immediately brought before a competent and independent judicial authority to determine the lawfulness of their detention.
• The Government of Ethiopia should respect the right of all persons to assemble and to associate with others, and to ensure that all persons have the ability to meaningfully participate in the electoral process. The Government should take particular care to ensure that these rights are respected during the lead up to the elections in 2010.
• The Government of Ethiopia should ensure that all persons in Ethiopia, regardless of their ethnicity, have equal access to educational opportunities.
• The Government of the United States should ensure that military and other aid to the Government of Ethiopia is not used to support repression of ethnic groups or political opponents
Read more

Ethiopian dictator shouldn't represent Africa at COP15

2009-12-09T14:59:00.000-08:00

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Grenade attack targeted Oromo refugees in Bsasso.

2009-12-02T01:39:00.000-08:00

Unidentified attackers hurled a hand grenade into a crowd watching a film in Bossaso port in northern Somalia late on Tuesday, killed two and wounding at least 24 people most of them are in a serious condition.

According to different media Witnesses the blast targeted a cinema in the town where Oromo refugees have been watching film.

In February 2008 Oromo refugees from Ethiopia were also targeted in Bosasso.

65 Oromo refugees from Ethiopia were killed and more than 100 others were seriously injured when two grenades were thrown at two different hotels owned by two Oromo refugees, Melaku and Jamal Arsii, in port town of Bossaso in Puntland, Somalia. The victims were watching a video game produced in Oromo Language by the time the attack took place on the 5th of February, 2008.

According to HRLHA informants in the area, the deadly attack was planned and executed jointly by security forces form Ethiopia and Puntland. A three-member mercenary group organized in Ethiopia was sent out to neighbouring countries were refugees from Ethiopia are believed to have been staying to take such actions against suspected members of opposition political organizations. Relatives and family members of the victims in particular give the following proofs to substantiate their claims:

One day prior to the attack in Bossaso, houses of Oromo refugees living in Borama and Buro towns of Puntland were searched by the joint Ethio-Puntland security agents.

30 seconds before the happening of the attack, the power was turned off from its source and the whole town remained in absolute darkness; domestic and international telephone networks were disconnected.

The town of Bossaso was fully surrounded by heavily armed security forces and all roads leading into and out of the town were blocked.

After the attack took place, the bodies of the victims were immediately loaded onto two trucks and taken to unknown places.

The vehicle of the Ministry of Interior of Puntland was identified at the place of the attack.

DEMONSTRATION IN OPPOSITION TO THE UNJUST REPRESENTATION OF MELES ZENAWI ...

2009-12-01T16:41:00.000-08:00

DEMONSTRATION IN OPPOSITION TO THE UNJUST REPRESENTATION OF MELES ZENAWI ON COP 15 UNITED NATIONS GLOBAL CLIMATE CHANGE CONFERENCE AT COPENHAGEN,DENMARK

Meles Zenawi is one of the most repressive dictators and violators of human rights in Africa! He has, also, the worst environmental degradation records during his regime.

In Ethiopia, inequitable and unjust land use policy and investment policy of environmental unfriendly industrial development by the dictator and human right violator Prime Minister Nietes Zenawi is harmfully affecting the pool local community to prevent and/or adapt to the climate changes. He is liable for the environmental degradation such as poisons of Lake Koka forest fire in Oromia. unsustainable mining and environmental unfriendly flower industry in Oromia region.

Thus in order to bring the truth of these harmful impacts and the liability of the dictator Meles Zenawi in Ethiopia to the public the Oromo Community residing in different countries of Europe will hold demonstration on THURSDAY DECEMBER 17, 2009 at Bella Centre. COPENHAGEN on COP15 UN CLIMATE CHANGE CONFERENCE where representatives from all over the world attend the conference.

The Oromo make up a significant portion of the population occupying the Horn of Africa. They are the only largest ethnic grup in Ethiopia. Union of Oromo Students in Europe is a student organization based in Germany, founded in 1974.

The demonstration will push for UN, US. EU and all industrialized countries concerned with climate change projects in Ethiopia to take over the direct interventions in to the issues in the country and / or observation mission to be sent to Ethiopia.

Activists will also call on all nations and nationalities in the empire to stand in unity on behalf of innocent and voiceless peoples whose lives and livelihoods are being constrained by an unrepresentative and minority government.

DATE: Thursday, December 17, 2009
TIME: 10:00am — 5:00pm
PLACE: Bella Centre, Center Boulevard 5, DK-2300 Kobenhavn S

The event is organized by:-
UNION OF OROMO STUDENTS IN EUROPE/
Dambruggestraat 109
2060 Antwerpen, Belgium.
TelTax: 32 (0)32972427 E-mail: uosetboa@gmail.com
TOKKUMMAA BARATTOOTA OROMOO AWUROOPPAA
For more information or inquiriesplease contact
Nemera Geheyehu getnemern@yahoo.com or call +45 31878671
Or Geneti Deressa yomis99@yahoo.com or call +4526171490

OLF Statement on the Ethiopian regime's Land policy in Oromia

2009-11-29T04:17:00.000-08:00

PRESS RELEASE
Statement on the Ethiopian regime's Land policy in Oromia

We express our gravest concern regarding the Tigrean regime's Land sale policy in Oromia. The Tigean led Ethiopian regime has taken its systematic exploitation and deprivation of the resources of Oromia to a new height by putting the land of the Oromo people on the open market for anyone with capital to garb it and use it for any purpose with out regulation.
It is with the deepest regret that we reveal that the Ethiopian regime has already soil hundreds of thousands of hectares of fertile agricultural land in Oromia to foreign investors. The regime has put the whole of the state of Oromia on the market.

More than 80 Indian companies have invested an estimated $4billion in buying huge plantation in Oromia. The largest among them is Karuturi Global. One of the world's largest Producers of cut roses. It has signed deals for just wider 350.000 hectares to create what it claims to be the world's largest agricultural land-bank.

The King Abdullah initiative for Saudi agricultural investment abroad has also bought vast fertile farmland in Oromia. A group of Saudi investors is spending $100m to raise wheat, barley and rice on land leased to them by the Ethiopian regime. The investors are exempt from tax and export the entire crop back home.

Sun Biofuels (UK) has acquired 125.000 hectares of land for jatropha farm and is in the process of starting bio fuel production in Oromia and Flora EcoPower (Germany) has bought 13.000 hectares of and land growing jatropha for bio fuel. The list goes on.

In Oromia land belongs to the people. The Oromo people do not only farm the land but have a sacred traditional, spiritual and cultural connection to their land. The Oromo people have been living on their current lands for thousands of years with perfect harmony with nature and they are the best in the region in proper land usage for generations. Now, the Tigrean led regime has condemned the Oromo people to virtual slavery by forcibly uprooting them from the land of their ancestors.

The environmental destruction by the industrial scale fanning and exploitation of the natural resource will not only affect Oromia but the whole region.

Destruction of the ecosystem of Oromia will eliminate the only hope for the whole of the Horn of Africa ever achieving food security all together.

The unregulated extensive chemical use in flower farming and water pollution from the industrial toxic waste products, since the regime introduced free for all policy of land misuse in Oromia have caused hundreds of deaths and many more people are suffering from ill health.

The regime’s land use policy, like everything else, is clearly discriminatory against Oromia state since it is exclusively Oromo urban and rural Lands and natural resources that are offered for sale. There is no land selling either in Tigray or Amahara states.

Every nation has its unique cultural and historical values. The Oromo people value their connection to their ancestral homeland. Landlessness is the lasting thing that the Oromo people will accept laying down. The current displacement of the Oromo people from their ancestral land in the guise of land for investors will no doubt lead to a bloodbath. The investors are ill advised to ignore the economic and political consequences of their action.

Oromia is a nation under a colonial rule. The Oromo people are engaged in struggle for independence. Foreign companies and governments involved in land trade with die Ethiopian regime need to be aware that the regime is selling to them someone else's property. It is also immoral to usurp Land from subjugated people. The question of food sovereignty is profound and the people will inevitably take the matter into their own hands. We would like to remind the so called investors to take a long view of the situation from economic and ethical perspective and refrain from participating genocide acts.

The Tigrian dominated ruling despots sell everything in Oromia including farmland, forests, mineral deposits and urban land to the highest bidder to line their own pockets. The regime has absolute control over all aspects of the life of the Oromo people through total domination by its ruthless security forces at all level of the society. The regime has over a million paid spies in Oromia who torture innocent Oromo public.

The Oromo people not only battle for survival against lack of security and protection but also ominous poverty, manmade famine, preventable diseases and untold economic exploitation never seen before. The Tigrean led Ethiopian regime is conducting not simply human rights abuse but acts of genocide against die Oromo people.

The regime only understands force. The OLF will do all in its power not only to reverse the acts of illegal misappropriation of Land in Oromia but also to end the occupation of Oromia by alien forces by all means necessary. At this crucial juncture we call upon the entire Oromo people to defend themselves against the threat to their survival by any means available to them.

Oromia shall be free!

Oromo Liberation Front.
P,0,Box 21762, Washington DC, 20009, USA Tel: (202)-521-5653

"Ethiopia Member of Parliament" resigns in disgust

2009-11-14T10:17:00.000-08:00

By Belete Etana Disassa

I am a member of parliament (MP) and deputy chairman of Public Account Standing Committee (PAC) of the House of Peoples' Representatives of Ethiopia, elected as a representative of Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO) from Limu Kossa District, Jimma zone, Oromia region.

I want to give my honest and sincere testimony of the conditions currently prevailing in Ethiopia. This testimony is in no way intended to defame the ruling party and its cohorts. The main purpose of this letter is to expose the hidden facts in Ethiopia.

Today in Ethiopia there is no democracy, rule of law, respect for human and civil rights. The judiciary system in totally under the control of the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF). There is no justice and independent court proceeding.

If you are an MP, you are duty bound to ask questions. But if you ask questions, you are branded as OLF and you are a terrorist and a criminal. Article 54(5) of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) Constitution, states that “No member of the House may be prosecuted on account of any vote he cats or opinion he expresses in the House, nor shall any administrative action be taken against any member on such grounds.” But the person who asks the democratic and human rights of the people to be respected is automatically branded as OLF member, and I am one of the victim.

The EPRDF/TPLF regime is simply a dictatorship. It does not respect its own constitution. It murders, detains, tortures and arbitrary arrests innocent citizens. The regime is particularly on a campaign of detaining Oromo nationalists. Human rights abuses are common and a day to day activity of the regime, particularly in Oromia. Authorities imposed the new structures the “Garee” and “Goxii” system to monitor the speech and personal lives of the rural population, to restrict and control the movement of residents. If you oppose the system, you are thrown in prison to stay there for years without appearing before court.

Article 12 (1) and (2) of the FDRE constitution requires transparency and accountability but on the ground the fact is different. In 2008, from the 20 Federal Government Institutions, over 192.5 million birr was detected as deficit (misuse). From this money, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia account for the biggest share of improperly spent money. Expenditures of 560 million birr by Revenue Authority and 121.9 million birr by the Ethiopian Customs Authority have not been backed up by any document.

The Ethiopian Mapping Agency and Ministry of Mines and Energy billing customers without the proper tariff has been approved by the Council of Ministers. Furthermore, the former Ministry of Infrastructure has collected over 47.2 million birr annual fee with out any approved tariff.
Our finding also reveals that over 226.5 million birr worth of purchase by six institutions were not in accordance with the purchase manual of the government. The National Electoral Board of Ethiopia has paid 98,000 birr to its former head as salary and allowance when the head was not at his position for 27 months.

The National Bank of Ethiopia on the recent gold scam reveals that contrary to the bank procedure, one individual has been supplying gold to the bank without registering. Package that contains the brick of gold has not been properly inspected after it was certified it was gold by the Ethiopian Geological Survey office. The bank has also paid the gold value without properly weighing it and has accepted 38 similar gold bricks that weigh the same and with equal carat levels.

The finding revealed illegal procurements, unlawful payments, spending beyond the allocated budget, and expenditure that could not be accounted for, amounting to more than 2.5 billion Birr. Also the government of improperly borrowing an extra 3.3 billion birr from banks. This borrowing has contributed to the inflation rate in the country.

Corruption remains a serious problem in the country. As to our responsibility to investigate this fact, the response of the government is to disparage and disqualify the activity. On the other hand, the government officials appeared to manipulate the privatization process, state and party owned businesses received preferential access and misuse of public funds.

Such misdeeds and crimes were causing me mental anguish for the last three years. I have been receiving death threats for speaking up against the wanton disregard for the rule of law. My conscience could no longer allow me to continue to be a member of the party, an MP and deputy hairman of PAC of the House. I have chosen to resign from the regime and its rubber stamp parliament.

Ejjennoo WBO Zoonii Kibba Oromiyaa Ilaalchisee Ibsa ABO

2009-10-29T00:25:00.000-07:00

ADDA BILISUMMAA OROMOO
Lakko. (No.): 111/ABO/09
Guyyaa (Date): Onkoloolessa 26, 2009
OROMO LIBERATION FRONT

Ejjennoo WBO Zoonii Kibba Oromiyaa Ilaalchisee Ibsa ABO

Waraanni Bilisummaa Oromoo (WBO) Zoonii Kibba Oromiyaa Onkoloolessa 19, 2009 labsa baase gadi fageesinee ilaallee jirra. Jeequmsa fi walfachaasina ABO keessatti bara dheeraaf deemaa dhufee as gahe xiinxaluun ejjeennoo warraaqaa humnichi fudhate waligalattii akka deggerru addeesina. ABO deebisanii tokkoomsuuf, akkuma walumaanuu yaadannutti, bara 2001 jalqabnee gurmuu qabsawota dhugaa argaamsiisuuf wareegama hedduu kafala dhufnee as ga’u keenya WBO Zoonii Kibbaa caalaa kan hubatu hin jiru.

Seenaa qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo keessatti WBO Zoonii Kibbaa humna damaqaa fi warraaqaa ta’u isaa marraa hedduu hojiin kan mul’ise dha. Ejjennoon ammaan kana ABO deebisanii dhinsuu irratti fudhattan kan nama jajjabeessu jenna. WBO Zooniilee addaaddaa fi qabsawoti haalaa dhaaba kana jeeqaa jiruu qaroominaan ilaalanii dhaabbi warraaqaa fakkenya WBO Zoonii Kibbaa hordofuu akka fudhatan waamicha goonaf.

ABO keessatti nagaan akka argamu tattaaffiin gochaa turre ammas ittifufe jira. Dhimma waliigalaa irratti akka ABOn deebi’e kaayyoo ganamaa irratti tokkoomuuf waamicha Mudde 11, 2008 labsuun keenya ni yaadatama. Gartuuleen murna Shanee Gumii fi murna Jijjiramaa waamicha keenya fudhatanii mariin jalqabame jirra. Hanga ammaatti haasaatu jalqabe malee murtiin irra gahame hin jiru. Waliigatleen akka argamu osoo of hin qusatin akka carraaqinnu uummata Oromoo hubachiisuu feena. Itti bahiinsa mare kanaa akka murtii maayyii irra geenyeen ummata Oromoof ifatti beeksisuuf jirra.

Tarkaanfiin WBO Zonii Kibbaa fudhates tattaaffi itti jirruu kan shafisiiu fi bu’a qabeessa taasisu jennee abdanna. Yaadaa tarkaanfataa isin dhiheesitan kana kanneen tokkuummaa Oromoo hin feene akka karaa irraa hin gufachiifnne qaroominaan tikfamuu qaba jenna.

Nuti gama keenyaan caarraqsi isin gootan galama akka gahu gumaachuuf bakka isin jirtanitti isin gidduutti argamnee wal haasa’uuf qophii ta’u keenya isiniif mirkaneesina.

Oromiyaan ni bilisomti!

Koree Hojii Geggeesituu ABO
Source:- http/www.oromoliberationfront.info/

Ibsa ABO - Haasaa Nagaa Murnna Jijjiiramaa wajjin irratti

2009-10-27T14:57:00.000-07:00

Onkoloolessa 27, 2009

Saganataa raadiyoo isaa Onkoloolessa 25, 2009 dabrse irratti, murni Jijjiiramaa, kan G. Kamaal Galchuun geggeeffamu, dhaaba keenya ABO wajjin walitti baquuf maree fixatee akka jiru labsuun isaa ni yaadatama. Dhaabin keenya fi murnni kun walitti baquuf akka walii mallatteessanis achumaan ibsee jira.

Labsi raadiyoo murnna jijjiiramaan labsame kun, dhara (soba) dhugaa irraa fagaate waan ta’eef afanfaajjii inni uumuu danda’u xiqqeessuuf jecha ibsa kana baasuuf dirqamnne.

Mudee 11, 2008, qaamota maqaa ABOn sosso’an fi abba-tokkoota dhimma addaddaan ABO keessaa ala of godhaniif waamicha dabarsuun keenya ni yaadatama. Qabiyyeen waamicha keenyaa dhaaba keenya ABO kaayyoo isaa gamanaa jalatti deebisinee dhinsinee QBO jabeessuuf dhimma ilaalcha siyaasaa kan adda nu baase irratti teenyee akka mar’annu kan gaafatu ture. Kunis itti fufiinsa ejjennoo yeroo jeequmsi dhaabicha keessatti dhalatee jalqabee qabaachaa turree fi ammallee qabnnu dha.

Murnnoonni lameen maqaa ABOn sosso’an – Shanee Asmaraa fi Murnna jijjiiramaa – waamicha keenyaaf owwaachu isaaniif galata qabsoo galchinaaf. Qaamota kana lamaan wajjiin maree jalqabnnee jiraachuu keenya isinniif ibsinna. Ha ta’u malee, yeroo ammaa kanatti dhaabin keenya murnoota kana lameen wajjiin dhimma kana ilaalchisee murtii irra gahe akka hin qabnne asumaanuu isin hubachiifnna.

Abdiin keenya, mareen itti jirru Kaayyo ganamaa jalatti ABO dhinsee fi humnneessee QBO jabeessa kan jedhu. Abdii kana dhugoomsuufis qooda nurraa barbaachisu hunda gumaachuu itti fufnna. Ha ta’u malee, dhimmi dhaabicha jeeqee adda bahiinsa fide addaddummaa ilaalcha siyaasaa waan ta’eef furmaatin isaa maree bali’aa fi bilchinaan qabamuu gaafata. Kan ummatin Oromoo nurraa eegus kanuma. Dhimmi kun, dhimmaa fedhii fi hamilee ummata keenyaa ilaallatu waan ta’eef, kan yeroof ittiin tumsa horaachuu fi ykn gumaacha funaannachuuf jecha soba dhugaa fakkeessanii uummaticha ittin gowwomsan ta’uu hin qabu. Ummatin keenya kan nurraa eegu dhugaa itti himuu waan ta’eef, qaamonni siyaasaa Oromoo kanaan beekkaman hundi akka gochaa kana irraa of qusatan kabajaan gaafanna. Kannen dhara (soba) facaasuun qaamota mareetti jiran walitti muufachiisanii sochii kana gufaachiisuu yaalan yoo jiraatan akka isaan hin milkoofinnes asumaan hubachiifnna.

Oromiyaan ni bilisoomtti!

Koree Hojii Geggeessitu - ABO

Onkoloolessa 27, 2009

Obbo Lichoo Bukhuraa Qaama "Jijjiiraa" keessaa ba'e jedhu

2009-10-17T10:08:00.000-07:00

Gartuu “jijjiirama” ofiin jedhu waggaan dura shanee Asmaraa irraa adda ba’uun ni yaadatama. Murna kana keessatti itti aanaa dura taa’ee shanee jijjiiramaa kana kan turan ammaan kana murna kana keessa of baasuu isaanii addeessan. Guutummaa addeessa isaanii akka armaan gadiitti dubisaa.

Saturday, 10.17.2009, 09:24am (GMT)
Subject: Hoggansa KY ABO keessaa of baasuu fi tarkaanfi WBO ZK deegaru ibsatu taha.
Gara: KHR-KY ABO

Dhimma: Hoggansa KY-ABO keessaa of kaasuu fi deegarsa tarkaanfi WBO ZK beeksisu ta’a.

Nagaan haa dusruu!

Dhihoo tana humni waraanaa WBO-ZK hiriiraa, ajajaa fi hoggansa KY-ABO jalaa of baasuu isaa barruuleen gaafa 13/10/2009 facaate beeksise jira.

Sababaan murtii fi tarkaanfiin hedduu keenna rifachiise kun, haalotaa fi rakkoolee ulfaatoo yeroo waggaa tokkoo oliif gara hujiilee qabsootti cehu hanqisan, akkaataa deemsarraatti hogganaa hedduu keennaaf fudhatamu hanqatee fi hir’na hoggansaa fali isaa falamsiisaa tahuufaa walumaan beenna. Itti-bahan haalota akka rakkinaatti galmaaâ€™ani hedduun dabre ammoo galii fi akeekni tarkaanfi jijjiiramaa dhaaba ABO keessatti KY-ABO eegalumarraa fudhate kaâ€™een dhugomuun ijibaatamu tahe argame.

Rakkinoota yeroo tana hundaaf furmaata dhaban, kan deemee amma murtii WBO zoonichaa kana dirqisiise kanneen, osoo sadarkaaa akkanaa hin gahin akka falamuuuf yaaliin sirnaa fi seeraa gariin keenna akka qaama/qaamota sadarkaa turre, hoggana waliigalaa, koree fuula turreetti fi akka nama tokkootti illee hin carraaqin hin hafe akka hin jirre miseensotni, hogganoota fi ummatni asiitti ragaa dha.

Jajjabeessa, wal abdachiisu fi dambooba dhaabbataatti ittiin hunda obsisiifne keessatti qooda laanneef malee, fuula kanaatti silaa kanaan duraatti kan addaan deemuun akkanaa kun fagoo iyyuu dhalate jaallewwan jiran kamuu ni beekan jechuu ni dandaâ€™a.

Sadarkaa nama tokkeetti miseensotni hooggana kanaa kanumarraa yeroo hin guunne keessatti kanumarraa deemu filatanis hagami fi eennufaa akka tahan walumaanu beekna.

Waadaan waraana, miseensotaa fi ummataaf seenne turre hanqatu mudate akkana kanaan of/hoggana/jaarmayaa dhaarreffate yeroo humni qabnu kan akkanaa, guyyaa adiin nu- hooggana KY-ABO biraa yaaâ€™aaniitti, nuti kanneen akka qaamota hoggana fi dabre ammoo namaatti illee durii isaan kana as naannessuutti gaafatamaa fi itti-gaafatma qabaatuutti laalamnu akkamiitti akka gad hafne ofi/wali akkasumas jaarmayaas gaaffii jala galche jira.

Rakkinoota furmaata dhabuun WBO zoonichaa murtii fi tarkaanfi akkanaatti cehu dirqisiise kannneen akka qaama hogganaa fi matayyatti akkuma taheettu, obsaan osoo jiru, danqaa tarkaanfiin waraanaa kun jaarmayicha keessatti dhalchu malu garii hanqisuuf fuula jirruutti kanneen maqaa â€˜hogganaâ€™ jedhamu waliin qabnu gamanaatti argamnu haga guyyaa kaleessaatti yaada waliin maddisiisuun, yaada falaa akeekurratti argamna turre.

Haa tahu malee, yeruma tana hogganni qabnu kan gama bakka waltajjii walii galaa jennuun jiran irraa kan dhaamamuun bira gahamee fi qajeelchaa jiraatuun hafarfamaa jiru hedduu qaanfachiisaa namaatti tahu mudata jira.

Kunis murtii fi tarkaanfi waraanni haala keessa-keessaan jaarmaya waliigalaa naafisu hundi beeku irraa abdii kutatuun fudhate kana dandaâ€™mu bifa wal marii fi sirnaan akkuma nu warri gamanaatti carraaqaa jirruutti hikkaa soquun irraa eegamu osoo hin taane haala biraa dhidhiibaa jiraatun natti hin tolle.

Karaa qunnamti dhunfaa (ta duraattu dadhabiinsa hogganaa fi diigamu jaarmayichaa gumaachuun deddeebiâ€™e himatamaa as gahe), gamanaan bakka bakkaatti diriirsuun bifa dhaamsotaa fi qajeelfamaan namoota maqaa waliin qaama hoggana KY-ABO taane gariirraan balaa geessisuu akeekatuun, dabre egeree hogganaa fi jaarmaya KY irraa abdii na kutachiise jira.

Amalaa fi sochiin akka akka malee ta namootuma hoggana tahan, kan ilma namaa haga yoonaatti obsisiisuu fi waliitti qabuu irratti dadhabaa as gahan, kanneenuma guyyaa jabaa dadabre illee waan gaafas dhugaa jedhamerratis waliin dhaabatuun beekkaman kanneen irratti akka aggaammataman taasisuun guddoo na dhibe.

Dadhabbiilee, hanqinoota jaarmayaa hoggana laalufaa of bira dabarsuu aada tute itti fufisiisuun tarkaanfii waraanni of jibaata irra fudhatuu waakkatuun hin dandaâ€™mne tana namootuma miseensota hogganaa tahan kan haga yoonaa deemsa hujiilee laalan irratti gara garumama waliin qabaniitti feâ€™uu yaaluu naaf hin fudhatamu dide jira.

Akkasuma dhugaa hundi argu/beeku tokko fudhatani ofi/haalas sirreessu aadaa tolfachu mannaa, amanu diduun aadaa of waakkatuu itti fufuu qofaaf jecha-fafaa, tan haala tahe/jiru dhossani, bifaa biraatiin maqaa dhibii namaatti moggasuun, ilma namaa wal nyaachifamuu-aadalee hin malle akka jijjiiramuuf waliin dhaabbanne garuma fedhiitti fayidamu akkanaa kana addeessee morma.

Tarkaanfi deegarsa nagaa, araaraa fi tokkummaa waraanni labsate dhaaressuuf, fashalsuu yaaluuf qofaaf gochaalee tokkummaa miseensotaa fi ummataa booressu dhidhiibuun dhagahaa jiru guddaa na gaddisiise. Kun itti-fufa amaloota dhunfaa kan madda rakkina KY-ABO sochoâ€™u nu hanqise ture keessaa isa buâ€™uraati.

Haalota akka malee kanneen hin hawane kana caalaa obsuu fi ni furra jedhani waliin taaâ€™uun ofii fi kanneen of duraatti nama laalani illee sobuu tahe argama. Akka qaama hoogganaa fi akka nama tokkoottis amalootni addaa kukun obsa na dhowwe jira. Haalota akkanaa keessatti hujiilee jaarmayaa waliin hojjachuu ykn waa jijjiirra jechuun na quubsuu diduutti dabalee-gaafatama bifaa fi sadarkaa kamiitu baadhatuu itti fufuu ijibaatarraan na gahe jira.

Kanumaaf, gaafatamaa fi hiriira qaama, jarmayaa akkasuma hoggana KY-ABO keessatti yaamamaani ture amma irraa kaasee ofirraa fuudhuun, keessaa of-baasuu kiyyaa hunda beeksisa.

Kanuma waliin ergaa haalota keessa dabarree fi jirru roga hundarraa gamaggameen duubaatti, falli QBOf-kanaan achiitti hafe takkichi yo jiraate tarkaanfi nagaa, araara fi tokkummaa WBOn ZK ABO 13.10.2009 dhiheesse fudhatu, tumsuu fi milkeessuuf hojjatu tahu murteeffadhe jirra.

Injifannoo Ummata Oromoof!

Lichoo Bukhuraa
17/10/2009.

State of political debate in the Oromo Diaspora – a colonial legacy?

2009-10-09T06:23:00.000-07:00

By: Gumaa Guddaa

"Colonial domination .... is made possible by negation of national reality, by new ‘legal' relations introduced by the occupying power, by the banishment of the natives and their customs to outlying districts by colonial society, by expropriation, and by the systemic enslaving of men and women" (Frantz Fanon, 1963.

Oromo politics cannot be separated from its historical context. Oromia was colonized by Abyssinia assisted by the support of European powers in 1898. At this time Oromia was vibrant and a thriving country. Oromo society was collectivistic; with extended family clans and traditional kinship structures governed by set of social laws, customs, rituals and cultural ethics a.k.a ‘safu' in Oromo language. The concept of ‘safu' was central to the concept of Oromo self. The role of the Gada system in organizing and maintaining the Oromo way of life at the time was one of the crucial tenets of the Oromo society's cultural being. Debate played a central role in decision making at all levels.

The Oromo concept of debate was holistic - emphasizing the importance of the whole and the interdependence of its parts. Debate and descent was not seen as antagonizing. There was no assumption that one man knows best. Ideas were separate from the proponent. Differing views were expected rather than being the exception. When one proposed an idea or a solution to a problem one was expected to back it with logic arguments and evidence. The Oromo society was inquisitorial rather then confrontational.

The Oromo continue to maintain strong link to their traditional culture to this date. I had the opportunity to witness the choreography of free flowing public debates as a child on several occasions. For example, it used to fascinate me as to the purpose of the energy dedicated to deliberation before they decided to cut down a tree. Once a consensus was reached after long deliberations and a collective decision was made, silence would descend and everyone begins to act. No one raised an objection halfway during the action for it would be dangerous if debate was to be reignited the tree would fall on them causing injury. I only fathom now the significance of such an organized way of life and the essence of Oromo collective consciousness in their ordered life. As it was not possible to reach a unanimous consensus at all times the Oromo are prepared to live with compromises too.

The advent of Abyssinian colonialism led to the announcement of something deeply pervasive and, arguably, cultural genocide on the Oromo society. It is as if the life of the Oromo - their everyday lives, responsibilities, values and goals - were and are being effaced. Through a pervasive rhetorical device and open psychological warfare and indoctrination - an implied cultura nullius -the life of the Oromo people is negated effectively and in its entirety. Colonization of Oromia a century ago was followed, until the present, by several years of conflict, marginalization and forced acculturation, with resultant loss of traditional society, religion, law, land, and cultural identity especially among some Oromo urban communities and semiliterate sector of the Oromo society.

One of the most detrimental effects of the Oromo colonial experience has been the stifling of a healthy debate. In particular, over the past one decade it has been my observation that some elements of the Oromo political class have made a conscious decision to adopt the Abyssinian way of going about their business. Some have not only abandoned our way of life but also actively sought out to discourage dialogue. They adopted a very intolerant attitude towards descent of any kind. This has led to doubts about identity issues, lack of trust and intimacy between Oromos of different political persuasions as well as region and religion.

Something strange seems to have taken place in the Oromo Diaspora. I have been following the nature and tone of the debate amongst the Oromo Diaspora for the past two decades. The debate started off in the traditional sense in the early 90s. But it became very bitter and divisive very soon. Most were taken by surprise by the vitriol and lack of ‘safu' and called for return to our values and traditional norms. No one paid attention. Then came the first half of the 2000s when the debate turned nastier and nastier. It became virtually impossible to have anything remotely resembling a civilized debate due to heated political fervor.

There are fundamental significant cultural differences in the mode of conducting debates among the Oromo people and the Abyssinian people. These differences stem from fundamental difference in the concept of debate itself. In Oromo world view debate is a way of reaching a state of perfection and finding a compromise. The Oromo way of reasoning is circular as opposed to the Abyssinian way of linear thinking, which does not encourage debate. Equally important is also that the Oromo consider each other equal. The Abyssinian society is a class society. Thus, debate is interpreted as insubordination and has to be quashed according to Abyssinians. The Abyssinians say "follow the leader at all times!" However, the Oromo believe that the leader has to have a convincing argument to be followed.

At the present it will not be an exaggeration to say that debate among the Oromo Diaspora community has completely died out. It is non existent. A complete collapse of political debate among the Oromo Diaspora at a time when the Oromo people are subjected to unparalleled political and economic exploitation, famine and devastating HIV/AIDS pandemic is odd to say the least. Such a state of moral and intellectual paralysis is due to a combination of historical, political, cultural and social causes. These include the intergenerational transmission of trauma, unresolved identity issue, sociocultural dislocation - first from Oromia to Ethiopia, now from Oromia to different countries across the globe - resulting in lack of sense of community and deficiency in ‘safu' - collective consciousness.

Although it would be wrong to attribute wholly this infirmity to our colonial experience it is nevertheless unavoidable questioning the impact of lack of autonomy and pervasive influence of the occupying enemy on the way we conduct our discourse. Whatever the cause may be, it is morally indefensible not to have a serious debate on our future and how we should get rid of the oppressive Ethiopian regime and gain our independence and reclaim our rightful freedom.
There is no question in my mind as to what the first topic of our discourse should be. Let us discuss why we have stopped taking to each other. In my views, the problem that has brought the end of exchange of ideas and opinion is at the root of our inability to unite our energy and talent to liberate our nation from slavery. So ask yourself. Is it we have no issues to discuss or that the problem will worsen by duscussions or we remain wishful that if we stopped talking about it the problem will disappear by itself?

In summary, the Oromo people had an active culture of debate without fear of upsetting each other or being labeled an opponent. The Gada system sustained the Oromo way of life for generations. However, currently the level of intellectual thinking and debate in Oromo society is in a dire situation. At home due to the shackles of Wayane oppressive security apparatus of ‘Gott' and ‘Garee' - one security agent for every 5 households and in the Diaspora as a result of the tyranny of the ill informed mindless cadres who spread false allegations and hatred amongst the Oromo community.

Evidence based, serious, honest debates led by the ‘safu Oromoo' and wisdom are more likely to succeed than a narrowly focused narrative. And surely we should understand it will be at our own peril that we follow the backward Stone Age Abyssinian way of life. We have to be seriously concerned as to what will happen in the next ten or fifteen years at this rate. We are sleepwalking into intellectual decay and demise. Let us return to our natural habitat and have a genuine honest debate - everything about the myths, facts and challenges about our struggle for decolonization - intellectual as well as physical liberation of Oromia from the jaws of the enemy.
Have your say.

Gumaa Guddaa can be reached via e-mail: gumaguda@yahoo.com

Source: http://oromoaffairs.blogspot.com/

URGENT APPEAL to Save the lives of two Oromo Asylum seekers arrested in Egypt.

2009-10-08T07:06:00.001-07:00

Two Oromo Asylum seekers were arrested after being abducted by smugglers and kept hostage for one month.they were threated to death by smmuglers, later after there released them, they were arrested by Egyptian Authority on there way. Those two Asylum seekers are seriously at risk passing many unsucceessful journey in saving there live.who will be of help.

Getting out of the Hell of -‘ Ethiopia’ is not an easy story; it takes much money or great despair, and is achieved through many ways leading to a great number of destinations. In Cairo there are Oromo Refugees who fled Ethiopian tyranny, unaccompanied girls without male support, children minors ,women with children,young refugees without work, living in destitute living condition.People with No Home! No Land ! No family ! Children with No parents ! It is Sad Oromos live such live.stateless humankind treated like craps everywhere on earth.I request All humanitarian bodies to attentively handle Oromo peoples grievience so that the oppressed community at home cannot be made to suffer again at the hand of same aggressors in Exile.

by A.Gumi

Source: http://oromocairo.jeeran.com/

Many Oromos Face another Bundle of Charges,

2009-09-28T12:06:00.000-07:00

The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) Considers Them Prisoners of Conscience.

Seventy three Oromo nationals, ages ranging between the youngest of 18 and the oldest of 80 years, have recently been taken to court with another list of the usual political charges, which included alleged conspiring along with OLF (the Oromo Liberation Front) – an armed opposition political organization working to remove the government from power. The details of this newest bundle of charges include, among others, allegedly conspiracy to overthrow the government by collaborating with the OLF fighters by guiding them and providing them with information as well as weapons and ammunition, and fighting alongside the OLF fighters and inflicting casualties, including death on members of the defense forces.

The accused, most of whom are from the Eastern Oromia region of Hararge, include both males and females of varying ages, marital status and careers. According to documents obtained by HRLHA from its informants in Ethiopia, most of those suspects have already spent up to five years in prison, although this is the first time to be taken to court. Given the inefficient and highly politicized legal system of Ethiopia, the trial (which is usually a mockery) of such large number of political suspects would take years before reaching a verdict. Past experiences considered, HRLHA believes that this is a deliberate and systematic way of punishing and intimidating suspected political prisoners by exposing them to extended and harsh prison situations.

The ruling EPRDF party in Ethiopia, by abusing the global agenda of the war on terror, has been silencing and, in some cases, eliminating what it labels as its political opponents by accusing them of allegedly committing terrorist acts, simply because they attempted to exercise their democratic rights, which are granted by the Constitution and other related international covenants that the country has ratified.

Since the EPRDF Government came to power (1991) many innocent civilians from all walks of life and different ethnic backgrounds, age groups, religions and genders have become victims of this suppressive political system. Although the victims have been multiple and various, the pretexts and the allegations have always been one and the same – to be suspected of being either a member or a supporter of this or that opposition political organizations.

The names of the seventy three suspects accused in the most recent charge are listed.
The list of the accused is obtained by HRLHA reporters in Ethiopia from the charge compiled by the Dirre Dhawa office of the Prosecutor General of Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia and presented to the Federal High Court against the political suspects in March 2009.
All defendants, after their first appearance in court, were taken back to the Shinilie detention center in Dirre Dhawa administrative region, where they are believed to have been held ever since they were arrested. The informants of HRLHA have learnt that some of the inmates died prior to the court appearance of this group mainly due to very poor prison situations including lack of medical care, food and sanitation. According to HRLHA reporters, the prisoners get only two glasses of water and three slices of local bread per day, which is insufficient both quantitatively and nutritionally.

HRLHA has also learnt that most of those prisoners were kept in confinements for the past five years without court appearance. The HRLHA considers all defendants to be prisoners of conscience; as they have been arrested, imprisoned and charged for attempting to exercise their democratic political rights and their freedom of thought based on their ethnic identity. HRLHA expresses its deepest concern for the safety of those prisoners.

Since the TPLF/EPRDF Government took full control of power in 1992, countless batches of Oromos and other ethnic groups have ended up in prisons and faced countless bundles of political charges, which are usually replicas of each other. In a country like Ethiopia, with the poorest economy and more of patriarchal societies, HRLHA is highly concerned about the negative impacts of such endless, unfounded and indiscriminate political actions on the already devastated socio-economic situation in the country; for such political actions usually target the relatively educated, skilled, experienced and relatively productive segments of the society, and individuals who are in most cases heads of families.

HRLHA calls on the authorities of Ethiopia to either give swift and fair trial to those seventy three suspected persons or release them from prison.

HRLHA calls on governments of the West, regional and international diplomatic communities and human rights agencies to join hands and try to pressurize the Ethiopian Government so that it refrains from politically intimidating its own peoples, and instead engages itself in constructive activities that could help reverse the ever worsening socio-economic situation of the country.

HRLHA is a non-political organization which attempts to challenge abuses of human rights of the people of various nations and nationalities in the Horn of Africa. It is aimed at defending fundamental human rights including freedoms of thought, expression, movement and association. It is also aimed at raising the awareness of individuals about their own basic human rights and that of others. It has intended to work on the observances as well as due processes of law. It promotes the growth and development of free and vigorous civil societies.

Source: HRLHA

Another wave of arrests and imprisonments targeting prominent Oromo intellectuals

2009-08-06T01:03:00.000-07:00

HRLHA Press Release No.

According to documents obtained by the Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) from its informants in Addis Ababa, another wave of arrests and imprisonments targeting prominent Oromo intellectuals, students and businessmen is going on in different parts of the State of Oromia, including its capital Addis Ababa. The arbitrary arrests and detentions, which are mainly being carried out by security agents deployed in civilian clothing, started following an updated allegation that the local residents harbor and/or support the opposition group – the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF).

With this most recent wave of arrests, dozens of Oromo nationals have already been taken into custody. This includes:

Taye Danda’a Araddo, fifth year (prospective graduate) student of Law at the Addis Ababa University,
Bayisa Dhaba Lata, employee of Dukam Municipality, southern periphery of the capital, Addis Ababa and,
Muse Ali, government employee.
Taye Danda’a Araddo, who was an outstanding student of Law, was only three days away from his graduation when he was arrested; and he had been offered a teaching position at the same university.

Article 17, No. 2 of the Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia states that “no person may be subjected to arbitrary arrest, and no person may be detained without a charge or conviction against him.” However, Taayyee Danda’a Araddo, Bayisa Dhaba Lata and Muse Ali were detained on July 23, 2009 without any court warrant. Taye was picked up from in front of the Addis Ababa University (Main Campus) by security agents in civilian clothing.

The report also indicates that Taye has been an active participant in the Union of Oromo Students at the University. This year [2009] in particular, he was one of the organizers of this academic year’s graduation ceremony and coordinator of graduation bulletin of Oromo students, which was said to have been banned from publication. While studying at the University, Taye was also serving as the senior supervisor of the Afan Oromo Club at the University. The report obtained by HRLHA also states that this was not the first time for Taye Araddo to be imprisoned extra-judicially. He spent three years without verdict from 2004 to 2006, although he was eventually acquitted.

Taye Danda’a, Bayisa Dhaba Lata and Muse Ali are currently being held incommunicado at the Maikelawi Office of Central Criminal Investigation in Addis Ababa. Family members, friends and lawyers of the detainees have been denied visits.

HRLHA is highly concerned that due processes are very unlikely in such situations, and that the safety situation of Mr. Taye and other detainees is not known. HRLHA fears that the detainees might be tortured.

BACKGROUND INFORMATION

In the past seventeen or so years, thousands of Oromos have been abducted, detained, and many of them disappeared and were tortured, on suspicions of having links with the Oromo Liberation Front/OLF. The OLF has been fighting the Ethiopian government in eastern, southern and western Oromia region and other areas since 1973. HRLHA believes that all the detainees held on these grounds have been innocent people minding their own daily lives and who have not been involved in or advocated violence.

HRLHA is highly concerned about the safety of the local residents, in general, and of those who have already been taken into custody. It believes that this action of the Ethiopian Government is in violation of fundamental political and cultural rights, which are enshrined in the Ethiopian Constitution. It also believes that such extrajudicial harassment and intimidation would worsen the humanitarian crisis that has continued to hit the country.

HRLHA calls upon governments of the West, all local, regional and international human rights agencies to join hands and demand the immediate stop of this mass arrests and imprisonments of innocent Oromo civilians and the release all political prisoners.

The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa/HRLHA is a non-political organization which attempts to challenge abuses of human rights of the peoples of various nations and nationalities in the Horn of Africa. HRLHA is aimed at defending fundamental human rights including freedoms of thought, expression, movement and organization. It is also aimed at raising the awareness of individuals about their own basic human rights and that of others. It has intended to work on the observances as well as due processes of law. It promotes the growth and development of free and vigorous civil societies.

Rapprochement between OLF factions: evidence of progress or cause for concern?

2009-06-20T09:32:00.000-07:00

By Gumaa Guddaa

Source: Oromo Affairs

"Ever tried. Ever failed. No matter. Try Again. Fail again. Fail better."Samuel Beckett.

The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) has been divided into two main factions for the past one decade due to ideological divergence - Oromia versus Ethiopia. The break-up came about on a backdrop of a series of failed diplomatic effort to produce a peaceful settlement of the dispute between the OLF and the Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF). You may recall that the mediation effort by the Eritrean government (1992), the former US President Jimmy Carter (2004), and the US Congressional Task Force led by Henry Johnston (2006) were all frustrated by the intransigence of the TPLF. Thereafter, any glimmer of hope to bring the OLF and the TPLF to a negotiating table fell up on the shoulders of some European NGOs.

Some time in 1997 a group within the OLF, the group that later on crystallized as the Asmara Group also known as Shanee, gave up and accepted the demand from the TPLF – to surrender. The TPLF ad infinitum ad nauseam demanded “The OLF to denounce armed resistance, put down guns, and accept the Ethiopian constitution” before any peace talks. Put simply to accept the TPLF/Wayane rule over Oromia. The OLF on the other hand had a clear policy on peaceful settlement and refused to yield to Wayane’s unreasonable demand. OLF proposed “Talks about peaceful resolution of the conflict must be without such or any form of precondition, in the presence of a third party, according to internationally accepted norms and standards of peace talks”. The TPLF’s position is and has been to resist the notion of peace at all cost.

Having exhausted all perceivable venues of peaceful settlement the defeatists wrote a falsified letter and submitted it to the group of NGOs that offered to be mediators. Shanee’s letter accepted what the TPLF demanded. They wrote “The OLF is ready to unilaterally abandon its armed resistance and accept the Ethiopian constitution as an existing reality” in preparation for peace talks with the Wayane regime. After it was already sent to the European NGOs their secrete letter of acceptance to surrender was to be known to Galaasa Dilbo. As the chairman of the organization he ordered the immediate withdrawal of the letter. But, the plotters refused and the Extra-Ordinary Congress of the OLF 1998 convened and removed some of the saboteurs from position of influence and power. As it transpires latter on remnants of the plotters and some tribalist elements in the organization cooperated in formalizing the Asmara Group in 1999 and issued the infamous peace agenda in 2000 in pursuit of their subversive ploy.

The group that succumbed to the relentless demand from the TPLF, it would appear, had come to the conclusion that their time was running out. It became clear that they had been somehow ambivalent towards the objective of the Oromo struggle for some time even before they came public as they later attested to. It would appear the collapse of any hope of peaceful resolution of the conflict between the OLF and TPLF was a tipping point for them. In order to justify their abandonment of Oromia the Asmara Group had to come up with a list of excuses. They said “Liberation in the era of globalization is impossible”. They also said “To insist upon the right to fight for freedom and self-determination will categorize the OLF to the list of terrorist”. They also preached “We cannot liberate our self”. Instead of liberation of Oromia they made the objective of “democratization” of Ethiopia a fundamental and central mission of their organization.

It is abundantly evident even today that the Shanee holds to the ideology of “democratization” of Ethiopia. The Asmara Group is now deeply infiltrated by ex-derg cadres, ex-OPDOs and true OPDOs. What is more, they are wholly dependent on Eritrea for their very existence. If one goes by what the Eritrean dictator Isayas Afewarki has been bubbling recently, the odds seem stuck against the Asmara Group ever liberating themselves let alone democratizing Ethiopia. Or else they share the Eritrean vision of “Ethiopian unity”. After all what is the purpose of the Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (AFD)?

On the other hand, contrary to the Asmara Group, the genuine OLF continued with the ideology of liberation and formation of independent republic of Oromia. It seems that the quest for independent Oromia remains very popular and supported by the vast majority of the Oromo populous. The one simple fact no one can doubt is that the genuine OLF remains completely independent, self-reliant, and confident, supremely disciplined more than ever before and ideologically armed and organized. The doubters and the pretenders had gone. The last 10 years had been truly testing to the extreme. The relentless vile propaganda campaign by the enemies of the struggle against the OLF leaders, members and supporters has been so cruel you would not find a single sole in the genuine OLF that is a doubter as to the just cause of the Oromo people.

The Asmara Group has only succeeded, it could be argued, in weakening the OLF and dividing the Oromo people. You will not find any Oromo civic and religious organization that has not been divided by the Shanee. The Shanee in collaboration with the Eritrean security force even turned against the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) resulting in bloodshed. The Asmara Group issued death sentence on some of the finest Oromo leaders and requested and was granted the means to execute the death penalty by the Eritrean security forces. The resilience and intelligence of the leaders and immense personal and organizational sacrifice paid by true sons and daughters of Oromia was what assured the survival of the OLF.

The transgression of the Asmara Group went beyond personal attack, character assassinations and demonizing Oromo heroes. The Asmara Group even instigated and fought an expensive absurd lawsuit in an American court against the OLF. It is interesting to note that close scrutiny of the court case and the verdict shows that the Asmara Group argued for “democratization” of Ethiopia whilst the OLF argued for independent Oromia. Yet again through hard work mounting a robust defense of the Kaayyoo the OLF triumphed in the court.

It is important to note at this point in time the Asmara Group itself is divided in two. Both factions confirm that their agenda is to “democratize” Ethiopia. They claim they are divided on how to achieve their objective rather than what to achieve. Therefore, it would be reasonable to see them as one. Their differences are of low significance and reconcilable. It is interesting to note that both are hosted and supported by Eritrea; the same country that colluded with them to kill off the OLF albeit spectacularly unsuccessful. It is also fascinating to note that the two factions of the Asmara Group ally with the two factions of Kinijjit - an Amhara political party.

Personalities matter in politics. The genuine OLF is led by Dhugaasa Bakakko who by all accounts is a selfless devoted leader of the highest integrity and resolve. He remains true to his people and their just cause. He is one of few trusted leaders who have provided much needed leadership to the organization and the nation during the past decade of turmoil within the organization. He is renowned for his fine judgment and strategic thinking under pressure, on the field, and leading by example. He is an inspiration to freedom fighters.

On the other hand, the two factions of the Asmara Group are led by Daud Ibsa and Kamal Galchu respectively. Daud Ibsa has been in the struggle almost as long as Dhugaasaa Bakakko. The difference between the two is that Daud opted for “democratization” of Ethiopia whilst Dhugaasa remains convinced the right path to lead the struggle is to continue with liberation struggle. Dhugaasa is a risk taker but Daud is risk aversive. Dhugaasa is the man at the forefront but Daud prefers to be a rear guard.

Kamal Galchu is different altogether. He joined the Asmara Group a little less than a couple of years ago. He has been an OPDO. Suspicion exists whether he is a genuine convert to the struggle to “democratization” of Ethiopia or he is a man who finds him self to be a wrong person at a wrong place but trying to make the most of what he can. He was an officer in the Wayane Army. He rose to the rank of Brigadier General in the TPLF/Wayane military; it is alleged, for his unquestionable loyalty to the regime. He maintains a strong link with the OPDO to this day and so is his faction. Nothing is wrong as such with changing side, if genuine. But he is simply an unknown quantity.

Having survived a decade long campaign against it by the enemy within and without, and having seen off the Asmara Group in the court of law, the OLF has now challenged the two factions of the Asmara Group to return to the original program of the organization – to struggle for independent Oromia. It did so by calling for a dialogue to all who call themselves OLF and former members who chose to be not her or there. Now then, is this good news or bad news.

Taken prima facie you would think it is good news, wouldn’t you? BUT, can a leopard change its spots? I do not know. What is more, the sticking point one can see right from the outset is the question of Kaayyoo. The question that divided the organization remains ideological, irreconcilable for that matter. The question is simple and clear. Either the Asmara Group should forgo their dreams of “democratization” of Ethiopia or the OLF must abandon the vision of realization of independent Oromia. What matters is what is right. Unquestionably the right thing is to fight for independence.

The question for Oromo nationalists is whether it would not be better to take the matter to its logical conclusion. The logical conclusion surely would be to continue with the endeavor in strengthening the genuine OLF and promote the struggle and leave the disciples of the “democratization” of Ethiopia project all alone. Any progressive mind would think that it is better to be logical. Then again politics is anything but logical.

The theory of ‘association, dissociation and re-association’ in social dynamics might be our only hope for redemption. In other wards, friendship starts with associating with others we do not really know that much about. The initial stage of the association process is driven partly by the novelty of the exercise. Then again people would discover the true color of the people they associate with and decide to end the relationship. If at all the people who disassociate themselves decide to get back together then it would be thought that they now have insight into their differences and similarities and therefore their re-association stands a better chance of succeeding. The danger lies in rhetoric hyperboles like ‘united we stand divided we fall’, ‘nagaa Oromoo’ so and so forth without honest proper debate as to the root cause of the dissociation in the first place. In my views, a serious danger lies in simple re-association just for the sake of formality without ironing out the differences that are so fundamental that otherwise history will inevitably repeat itself.

One has to have a huge respect for the farsightedness and magnanimity of the genuine OLF. Their endeavor to bring back the astray to the fold of the struggle is truly admirable. It epitomizes the Oromo sprit. Such is an Oromo victor that they can resist being carried away with their moral and court victory. In spite of what had gone on for more than a decade that they are willing to entertain to appeal to human decency and do the honorable thing is commendable. Although previous efforts, including Shanacha Jaarsummaa, failed to produce the desired result in the past, in my opinion, we have to remain cautiously optimistic albeit the odds are stuck against us truly mending the rift.

Gumaa Guddaa can be reached via e-mail: gumaguda@yahoo.com

London International Oromo c u l t u r e & H i s t o r y Wo r k s h o p

2009-06-05T01:20:00.000-07:00

London International Oromo c u l t u r e & H i s t o r y Wo r k s h o p
4thJuly 2009

Exploring Oromo Cultural History: Critical Multi-disciplinary
Enquiries

Session III: Gada: Past, Present and Future Significance in Oromo History

We are pleased to announce that the 3rd London International Oromo Culture and History Workshop is planned to be held on 4th July 2009. The Workshop will be of interest to those interested in understanding their cultural heritage, scholars and students of Oromo studies.

Gada is a highly complex system of constitutional government based on indigenous African democratic principles whereby officials are elected every eight years. At its pinnacle Gada was a fully functional complete system of governance; arguable even superior, in some aspect, to the modern democratic systems around the globe. For instance, the Gada government has separate legislative (Yaa’a) and executive (Gumii) branches as well as independent judiciary.

The Gada system has been the basis of Oromo culture and civilisation which helped the Oromo nation maintain political, economic, social and religious institutions for thousands of years. Unfortunately, the Gada system, as a national institution, has been seriously weakened since the Oromo nation lost its sovereignty around the end ofthe 19thcentury. Nonetheless, it remains dynamic and in continuous existence. In fact, Gada heritage has a great deal of influence on the Oromo identity, collective consciousness, values and tradition and world outlook at all levels.

Gada is not only an Oromo cultural heritage but also a significant World Heritage with huge potential for contribution to the whole of humanity. It should be part of
the school curriculum in Oromia not only as part of history lesson but to broaden the minds of the young generation. Further scholarly studies are also required to fully uncover the Gada system itself.

This Workshop will attempt to take a holistic view of Gada. It will address the role Gada played and is still playing in the life and development of the Oromo society, its contribution to the world’s history of democracy and the potential role it can play in the future.

09:00—09:30 Registration
09:30—09:40 Welcome & Introduction
Dr Feyisa Demie

09:40—10:15 Keynote Speech
Dr Tesema Taye

Chair: Immiru Itana
10:15—11:15 The Militarization of the Gadaa Institution in the 16th& 17thCenturies: Critical Reflections on the Historical Location of the Centre of Oromo Expansion and Direction of their Movement"

Professor Mekuria Bulcha, Malardalen University, Sweden
11:1 5—1 1:30 Refreshments
11:30—12:30 “The Current Oromo National Movement: role of Gada?”
Dr Alemayehu Kumsa, Prague University, Czech Republic

12:30—13:30 LUNCH

Chair: Gosye Fida
13:30—14:30 “Gada Practice in Bokku Chitu”
Professor Girma Gebresembet, Swedish University of
Agricultural Sciences, Sweden

14:30—1 5:30 Gada and modernity: Some thoughts on principles and practice across governance domains
Dr Marco Bassi, University of Oxford, UK

15:30—1 5:45 Refreshments
Chair: Addise Dheressa
15:45—16:15 “Should the effect of cyclical famine be investigated?” Wendy Spencer, University of Glamorgan, UK
16:15—16:30 Close
Teferi Degneh

VENUE: Room UG02, City University London,
Northampton Square, London EC1V 0HB
TRAVEL: Bus: 4, 56 & 153; Underground: Angel Station on Northern Line Forfurther

information:- e-mail the Organizing Committee oromo.international@yahoo.co.uk

Workshop Organizing Committee

LONDON INTERNATIONAL OROMO CULTURE & History Workshop July 4 2009

2009-05-29T06:27:00.000-07:00

LONDON INTERNATIONAL OROMO CULTURE & History Workshop July 4 2009

Exploring Oromo Cultural History:

Critical Multi-disciplinary EnquiriesSession 111: Gadla: Past, Present and Future Significance in Oroino History

We are pleased to announce that The London International Oromo Culture and History Workshop is planned to be held in July 4 2009.

The Workshop will be of interest to those interested in understanding their cultural heritage, scholars and students of Oromo studies.Gada is a highly complex system of constitutional governrnent based an indigenous African democratic principles whereby officials are elected every eight years. At its pinnacle Gada was a fully functional complete system of govemance; arguable even superrar, in some aspect, to the modern democratic systems around the globe.

For inistance„ the Gada government has separate legislative (Yaa'ii) and executive (Gumii) Urarsches as as independent judiciary.The Gada system has been the basis of Oromo culture and civilisation which helped the Oromo nation maintain political, economic, social and religious institutions for thousands of years.Unfortunately, the Gada system, as a national institution, has been seriously weakened since the Oromo nation lost its sovereignty around the endml of 19th century. Novetheless, it remains dynamic and in cotinuous existence. In fast,Gada heritage has a great deal af influence an the Oromo identity. collective consciousness, values and tradition and world outlook at all levels.Gada is not only an Oroino cuitural heritage but also a significant World Heritage with huge potential for contribution to the whole of humanity. lt should be part of the school curriculum in Oromia not only as part of history lesson but to broaden the minds of the young Generation.

Further scholarly studies are also required to fully uncover the Gada system itself.This 'Workshop will attempt to take a holistic view of Gada. It will address the role Gada played and is still playing in the life and development of the Oroino society, its contribution to the world's history of democracy and the potential role it can play in the future.

Topics to be covered include:·

Ideological foundation of the Gada system·
Philosopliical significance of Gada·
Gada ritual cycles·
The role of Gada in warfare·
State and religion under Gada·

Gada political institutionsVENUE: Room U214, City University London,Northampton Square, London EC1V OHBTRAVEL: Bus: 153, 4 &
56;Underground: Angel Station an Northern Line

WORKSHOP ORGANIZING COMMITTEE

Amnesty International 2009 Report on Human Rights

2009-05-29T01:32:00.000-07:00

Restrictions on humanitarian assistance to the Somali Region (known as the Ogaden) continued. The government engaged in sporadic armed conflict against the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) and both forces perpetrated human rights abuses against civilians. Ethiopian troops fighting insurgents in Somalia in support of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) committed human rights abuses and were reported to have committed war crimes. Security forces arrested members of the Oromo ethnic group in Addis Ababa and in the Oromo Region towards the end of the year. Independent journalists continued to face harassment and arrest. A number of political prisoners were believed to remain in detention and opposition party leader Birtukan Mideksa, who was pardoned in 2007, was rearrested. A draft law restricting the activities of Ethiopian and international organizations working on human rights was expected to be passed by parliament in 2009. Ethiopia remained one of the world’s poorest countries with some 6.4 million people suffering acute food insecurity, including 1.9 million in the Somali Region.

Background

FEDERAL DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF ETHIOPIA- Head of state: Girma Wolde-Giorgis- Head of government: Meles Zenawi- Death penalty: retentionist- Population: 85.2 million- Life expectancy: 51.8 years- Under-5 mortality (m/f): 151/136 per 1,000- Adult literacy: 35.9 per cent

The Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission completed its mandate in October, despite Ethiopia failing to implement its ruling, and the UN Security Council withdrew the UN Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE) in the wake of Eritrean obstruction of its operations along the Eritrea/Ethiopia border.

Thousands of Ethiopian armed forces remained in Somalia to support the TFG in armed conflict against insurgents throughout most of the year. Accusations of human rights violations committed by Ethiopian forces continued in 2008. Insurgent factions stated that they were fighting to force Ethiopia’s withdrawal from Somalia. A phased plan for Ethiopian withdrawal was included in a peace agreement signed by the Alliance for the Re-Liberation of Somalia-Djibouti and TFG representatives in late October. Ethiopian forces began to withdraw late in the year, but had not withdrawn from Somalia completely by the end of the year.

The government faced sporadic armed conflict in the Oromo and Somali regions, with ONLF members also implicated in human rights abuses against civilians. Ethiopian opposition parties in exile remained active in Eritrea and in other countries in Africa and Europe.
“Ethiopian forces attacked the al-Hidya mosque in Mogadishu killing 21 men…”

Divisions split the opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) party, leading to the emergence of new opposition parties, including the Unity for Democracy and Justice Party (UDJP) led by former judge Birtukan Mideksa. She was one of more than 70 CUD leaders, journalists and civil society activists convicted, then pardoned and released in 2007.
Suicide bombers attacked Ethiopia’s trade mission in Hargeisa, Somaliland, on 29 October killing several Ethiopian and Somali civilians.

Prisoners of conscience and other political prisoners

A number of political prisoners, detained in previous years in the context of internal armed conflicts or following contested elections in 2005, remained in detention.

Bekele Jirata, General Secretary of the Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement party, Asefa Tefera Dibaba, a lecturer at Addis Ababa University and dozens of others from the Oromo ethnic group were arrested in Addis Ababa and parts of the Oromo Region from 30 October onwards. Some of those detained were accused of financially supporting the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF).

Sultan Fowsi Mohamed Ali, an independent mediator, who was arrested in Jijiga in August 2007 reportedly to prevent him from giving evidence to a UN fact-finding mission, remained in detention. Tried for alleged involvement in two hand grenade attacks in 2007, he was sentenced to 22 years’ imprisonment in May 2008.

On 15 January Birtukan Mideksa, Gizachew Shiferaw and Alemayehu Yeneneh, then senior members of the CUD, were briefly detained by police after holding party meetings in southern Ethiopia. Birtukan Mideksa was rearrested on 28 December after she issued a public statement regarding the negotiations that led to her 2007 pardon. Her pardon was revoked and the sentence of life imprisonment reinstated.

Prisoner releases
Many released prisoners faced harassment and intimidation, with some choosing to leave the country.

Human rights defenders and lawyers Daniel Bekele and Netsanet Demissie were released on 28 March. They had been detained since November 2005 together with hundreds of opposition parliamentarians, CUD members and journalists. Unlike their co-defendants in the trial who were pardoned and released in 2007, Daniel Bekele and Netsanet Demissie remained in detention, having refused to sign a document negotiated by local elders. They mounted a defence and were convicted by the Federal High Court of criminal incitement (although the presiding judge dissented) and sentenced to 30 months’ imprisonment. When it became evident they would not be released, even after they appealed, they chose to sign the negotiated document, and were subsequently pardoned and released after serving 29 months of their sentence.

Charges of conspiring to commit “outrages against the Constitution” faced by Yalemzewd Bekele, a human rights lawyer who had been working for the European Commission in Addis Ababa, were dropped, without prejudice, before trial.

Abdirahman Mohamed Qani, chief of the Tolomoge sub-clan of the Ogaden clan in the Somali Region, was detained on 13 July after receiving a large public welcome when he returned from two years abroad. He was released on 7 October, and his relatives who had also been detained were reportedly released several days later.

CUD activist Alemayehu Mesele, who had suffered harassment since his release from prison in 2007, fled Ethiopia in early May after he was severely beaten by unknown assailants.
The editor of the Reporter newspaper Amare Aregawi was severely beaten by unknown assailants on 31 October in Addis Ababa. He had previously been detained by security officers in August.

In September, the government announced that it had released 394 prisoners and commuted one death sentence to life imprisonment to mark the Ethiopian New Year.

Freedom of expression

Independent journalists continued to face harassment and arrest.
At least 13 newspapers shut down by the government in 2005 were still closed. Independent journalists were reportedly denied licences to operate, although others did receive licences. Serkalem Fasil, Eskinder Nega and Sisay Agena, former publishers of Ethiopia’s largest circulation independent newspapers, who had been detained with CUD members, were denied licences to open two new newspapers.

In February the Supreme Court upheld a decision to dissolve the Ethiopian Teachers Association (ETA) and hand over its assets to a rival union formed by the government, also known as the Ethiopian Teachers Association. This action followed years of harassment and detention of union members. In December the union, under its new name, the National Teachers’ Association, had its application for registration as a professional organization rejected.

On World Press Freedom Day (3 May) Alemayehu Mahtemework, publisher of the monthly Enku, was detained and 10,000 copies of his publication impounded. He was released after five days without charge and copies of the magazine were later returned to him.

In November a Federal High Court judge convicted editor-in chief of the weekly Enbilta, Tsion Girma, of “inciting the public through false rumours” after a reporting mistake. She reportedly paid a fine and was released.

Human rights defenders
A draft Charities and Societies Proclamation was revised several times by the government in 2008, but remained threatening to the rights of freedom of assembly, association and expression.

Its provisions included severe restrictions on the amount of foreign funding Ethiopian civil society organizations working on human rights-related issues could receive from abroad (no more than 10 per cent of total revenues). It would also establish a Civil Societies Agency with sweeping authority over organizations carrying out work on human rights and conflict resolution in Ethiopia. It was expected to be passed into law by Parliament in early 2009.

Ethiopian troops in Somalia

Ethiopia maintained a significant troop presence in Somalia which supported the TFG until the end of the year. Ethiopian forces committed human rights abuses and were reported to have committed war crimes. Ethiopian forces attacked the al-Hidya mosque in Mogadishu killing 21 men, some inside the mosque, on 19 April. More than 40 children were held for some days after the mosque raid before being released .

Many attacks by Ethiopian forces in response to armed insurgents were reported to have been indiscriminate and disproportionate, often occurring in densely civilian-populated areas.
Internal armed conflict

The government continued counter-insurgency operations in the Somali Region, which increased after attacks by the ONLF on an oil installation in Obole in April 2007. These included restrictions on humanitarian aid which have had a serious impact on conflict-affected districts of the region. The government did not allow unhindered independent access for human rights monitoring.

Reports, dating back to 2007, of beatings, rape and other forms of torture, forcible conscription and extrajudicial executions in the Somali Region were investigated by a government-contracted body but not by an independent international body.

Torture and other ill-treatment

Reports of torture made by defendants in the trial of elected parliamentarian Kifle Tigeneh and others, one of several CUD trials, were not investigated.
Conditions in Kaliti prison and other detention facilities were harsh – overcrowded, unhygienic and lacking adequate medical care. Among those detained in such conditions were long-term political prisoners held without charge or trial, particularly those accused of links to the OLF.
Mulatu Aberra, a trader of the Oromo ethnic group accused of supporting the OLF, was released on 1 July on bail and fled the country. He had been arrested in November 2007 and reportedly tortured and denied medical treatment for resulting injuries while in detention.

Death penalty

While a number of death sentences were imposed by courts in 2008, no executions were reported.

In May the Federal Supreme Court overturned earlier rulings and sentenced to death former President Mengistu Haile Mariam (in exile in Zimbabwe) and 18 senior officials of his Dergue government. The prosecution had appealed against life imprisonment sentences passed in 2007, after they were convicted by the Federal High Court of genocide and crimes against humanity perpetrated between 1974 and 1991.

On 6 April a court sentenced to death five military officers in absentia. They served under Mengistu Haile Mariam, and were held responsible for air raids in Hawzen, in the Tigray Region, which killed hundreds in a market in June 1980.

On 8 May a court in Tigray Region found six people guilty of a bus bombing in northern Ethiopia between Humora and Shira on 13 March and sentenced three of them to death.
On 21 May the Federal Supreme Court sentenced eight men to death for a 28 May 2007 bombing in Jijiga in the Somali Region.

On 22 May a military tribunal sentenced to death in absentia four Ethiopian pilots , who sought asylum while training in Israel in 2007.

Amnesty International reports

2009 Ethiopia: http://thereport.amnesty.org/en/regions/africa/ethiopia

Oromo activists from across Europe converged on Brussels today to raise international awareness of the ongoing human rights abuses

2009-05-22T15:16:00.000-07:00

“REVIEW YOUR AID TO ETHIOPIA” A MESSAGE FROM OROMO ACTIVISTS TO EUROPEAN DECISIONMAKERS

Oromo activists from across Europe converged on Brussels today to raise international awareness of the ongoing human rights abuses being perpetrated in Ethiopia under the administration of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. Marching from the European Commission’s Berlaymont building, demonstrators crossed the city of Brussels to bring their message to the embassies of both the United Kingdom and the United States.

Oromo representatives explained to international media the importance of the protest as a means of bringing scrutiny to bear on Ethiopia ahead of the 2010 elections and the environmental degradation that was going unchecked at the same time as human rights were being eroded.

As part of the protest, letter of appeal were issued to the European Commission, Members of the European Parliament, representatives of the African, Caribbean, and Pacific states, and the embassies of the United States and United Kingdom.

The appeal made the following calls:

That the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees initiate an inquiry into allegations of human rights abuses perpetrated by the Ethiopian Government;

That European Union (EU) member states to raise the issue of human rights in Ethiopia with the Ethiopian government;

That EU member states to express a collective and public concern at the human rights situation in Ethiopia, including a call for the release of all detained political prisoners;

That European companies, their Ethiopian partners, and the Ethiopian government adhere to international environmental standards and obligations;

That a mechanism capable of bringing together all stakeholders in resolving Ethiopia’s internal conflicts be established and supported.

That the Ethiopian government is held publicly accountable for all aid donated to, or channelled through, its departments.

Death from Brutal Torture -HRLHA Press Release

2009-05-18T15:40:00.000-07:00

Two civilians have become the most recent victims of torture in Ethiopia. Mr. Abdurashiid Ibrahim Adam and Mr. Hassan Ibrahim Tule, both from Eastern Hararge Region in Oromia, have died from extreme torture inflicted on them by members of the Ethiopian Security Forces while they were in prison.

Mr. Abdurashiid Ibrahim Aadam, a 38-year old farmer, was subjected to torture that resulted in his death in Burqaa Tirtiraa Prison in Eastern Hararge. According to HRLHA reporter, Mr. Abdulrashid was suspended upside down with his hands and legs tied on his back and severely whipped and beaten everywhere on his body including the sole of his feet. The security agents subjected Mr. Abdulrahsid to such harsh torture to coerce him to confess that was a member of an opposition political organization, OLF in particular, and to reveal alleged secrets he knew about the Front. HRLHA reporters have confirmed that Mr. Abdulrashid died from this brutal torture on May 08, 2009.

Mr. Hassan Ibrahim Tuulee, also known as Hassan Lakku, was a 57-year old businessman and a father of seven, who used to live in Baddanno Town in Eastern Hararge. He had been in and out of prison so many times since 1992 on the same alleged political grounds – that he was a member of opposition political organizations. Mr. Hassan Ibrahim died in prison on unspecified day in Fabruary, 2009 from harsh torture he too was subjected to while he was in prison. The possessions of Hassan Ibrahim, money, a car and other valuable items, were confiscated by members of the security forces.

HRLHA reporters have confirmed that these are the very common types and systems of tortures most alleged political detainees face while in detention.

Back ground Information;- It has been being reported widely that thousands of members of the Oromo ethnic group have been killed, kidnapped, disappeared and/or detained, and many of subjected to different forms of torture in prisons in recent years for allegedly having links with the OLF. Also, thousands of Oromos have gone into exile. The OLF has been fighting the Ethiopian government in eastern and western Oromia Region and in other areas since 1992. The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa/HRLHA believes that those who were subjected to such harsh treatments, including killings and inhuman actions that resulted in death, were innocent citizens who had not used or did not advocate violence.

HRLHA calls upon governments of the West, all local, regional and international human rights agencies to join hands and demand the end of such inhuman treatments, and to pressurize the Ethiopian government to bring the culprits to justice and to immediately release its citizens who have been detained on alleged political grounds.

The HRLHA is a non-political and non-profit organization that attempts to challenge abuses of human rights of the people of various nations and nationalities in the Horn of Africa. It works on defending fundamental human rights including freedoms of thought, expression, movement and association. It also works on raising the awareness of individuals about their own fundamental human rights and that of others. It encourages the observances as well as due processes of law. It promotes the growth and development of free and vigorous civil societies.

Oromo Rally at the Capitol Against Ethiopian Brutal Regim

2009-05-02T11:18:00.000-07:00

Press Release of the International Oromo Youth Association (IOYA)

The March on Washington: Oromo Youth Rally at the Capitol

The brutal regime of Ethiopia has intensified its repression against the citizens of the country, especially the Oromo people, by systematically depriving them of basic human rights and access to basic needs. Because of this, since the current minority regime of Addis Ababa clinched power in 1992, the Oromo people have seen the largest exodus in its recorded history in the search for a peaceful life. Today, hundreds of thousands who fled the country to neighbouring African nations are living in nightmare, in fear of forced deportation, killing and arrest pursuits, while those who remained in the country are oppressed and kept economically and politically isolated.

Just recently, the Ethiopian governments killing squad, also known as Agazi army, has targeted Oromo students at several colleges and universities arresting over 80 students from Bahirdar University alone. The victims were targeted for calling on the government authorities to uphold law of the land, for demanding an immediate halt on the ethnically derogatory remarks by government agents against Oromos on the university campus, and those who made the remarks be brought to justice. According to a report obtained on 23rd of March 2009, Bahirdar University student (Tasew Tabor – an Oromo) was abducted by the government commando from his dorm room without any evidence of wrongdoing. His whereabouts are unknown to date. This is just one example of what Oromo students are facing in many University campuses across Ethiopia.

Various human rights reports indicate Oromo students are not the only targets of this unjust system. In the past year alone, hundreds of innocent civilians, besides college students, like local business owners, farmers, teachers and other professionals have been arrested without any warrant, detained without bail, tortured and extra-judicially killed. For example, in Western Hararge, an Oromo farmer was brutally attacked and killed by government death squads and several others abducted from neighbouring towns. These types of arbitrary atrocities did not spare even nursing women and the elderly.

While the Ethiopian government is amassing millions of dollars from international donors, more than ten percent of the population is on the verge of death from starvation, and millions of children are severely malnourished. The government has been hiding this grave situation that has been dubbed by many as ‘a green famine.’ Lack of good governance and corruption of almost all government officials are the culprits for this humanitarian crisis.

Because of this, we, the Oromo youth in Diaspora, feel obliged to be the voice for the voiceless majority in Ethiopia. In light of this obligation, on April 20, 2009, we gathered in front of the United States Department of State to voice our concerns and call on the US government to stop funding the dictatorial regime in Addis Ababa.

Oromo youth, community members and concerned citizens came from every corner of the United States, to take part in this rally. Despite the heavy rain and unsuitable conditions, we were able to conduct a successful rally and deliver a letter detailing our concerns to President Barack Obama and Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Accordingly, we have adopted a resolution to continue the struggle until the Oromo people and other oppressed people in Ethiopia are free of oppression, and pledged to renew our struggle and to stand against injustices:

Whereas the government of Ethiopia does not respect the very same constitution it had ratified Whereas innocent people continue to languish in prison for no apparent reason.
Whereas people are intentionally left to starve if they refuse to agree with government’s policy’s.
Whereas Oromo students continue to be expelled from universities and colleges while some also get imprisoned.
Whereas the resources of the country are being used to make the government officials and their friends rich.
Whereas the government continues to build its home-state Tigray at the expense of the rest of the country
Whereas the media inside the country is being used as the government’s propaganda machine.

Justice for Oromo People and Justice for All!

International Oromo Youth Association
PO Box 14668
Minneapolis, MN 55414
ioyapress@ioyn.org
http://www.ioyn.org/